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    Middle East
     Dec 2, 2011


Opportunity shunned in Iran-UK crisis
By Kaveh Afrasiabi

NEW YORK - The British government that recently took the lead in imposing financial sanctions on Iran based on flimsy expressions of concern by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has repeated itself, by closing its embassy in Iran and ordering Iranian diplomats to leave the United Kingdom within 48 hours.

As foreign ministers from European Union countries meet to consider similar downgrades of their diplomatic presence in Iran, governments including Germany, France, and Netherlands have already recalled their ambassadors for "consultation".

At least some European countries will feel obliged to apply further pressure on Tehran by appeasing British politicians who are outraged by the mob attacks on their diplomatic sanctuary on Tuesday. Yet, a concerted EU effort to duplicate the British

 
initiative represents a misguided overreaction that is unlikely to yield any positive results.

For its part, the Iranian government has been trying to assure the world that it is committed to living up to its obligations to protect the foreign diplomats and their premises, in light of repeat statements by the foreign ministry expressing regret over the "unacceptable behavior" of some demonstrators and the pledge to conduct a serious inquiry into the matter.

Iran-British relations have been spiraling downward for a long time. The boiling anger in Tehran's streets after the powerful Guardian Council approved a parliamentary decision to curtail relations with the UK has been anything but surprising, given the fact that many people in Iran consider the British decision to end all financial relations with Iran as essentially an act of economic warfare.

Feeling righteous about its drastic response of ending all diplomatic ties with Iran over the attack on the British embassy in Tehran, the British government led by Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron is ill-prepared for reflection on how its own actions may have precipitated the current crisis in relations, and is instead trying to seize the moment and isolate Iran in the international community.

This fits well with the undeclared "regime change" policy toward Iran that may have been emboldened since recent North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) success in toppling Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi. The problem with this strategy is that it may stiffen Iran's collective resolve to stand up to Western (neo-colonial) pressures no matter what the price.

As a diverse, yet interconnected economic crisis grips Europe, the new row with Iran is both untimely and unfortunate, and can contribute to a growing corrosion of unity. Forcing the situation to extract a united front against Iran irrespective of reluctant voices, may backfire and escalate tensions within the eurozone. Greece, for example, has solid trade and energy relations with Iran that could be hurt if the European Union fails the test of prudent diplomacy.

As a wake-up call to other members of the European Union, the storming of the British embassy in Tehran contains the necessary ingredients for a new policy evaluation that could conceivably lead to a distancing from - rather than emulating - the draconian British policy toward Iran. There are unmistakable signs of a policy rift that cannot be glued over by the mere exigencies of solidarity with the outraged British government.

Rather, a sound and coherent approach that demonstrates neither Iran phobia nor power reductionism is necessary. That however appears to be beyond the capabilities of the economically besieged members of the EU, some with stronger ties to Iran than others.

Indeed, the links of economic interdependence between Iran and the EU should logically speaking provide sufficient incentive to refrain from emulating the United States policy of isolation and containment, which is derived from the absence of shared economic interests between Iran and the US.

Europe can now leverage its economic relations for better Iranian protection of its diplomatic interests in Iran, instead of self-depriving themselves of this incentive through the childish policy of sounding undue frustrations with Tehran and seeking maximum advantages in the form of collective EU diplomatic offensive.

According to some Iran experts, Tehran and London can rebuild relations, but only if the present British campaign of unbounded hostility toward the Islamic Republic is minimally curtailed. Unfortunately, it appears that current events may give rise instead to a deeper, longer-lasting and more unsettling crisis.

Such a nasty prospect can perhaps fuel rational behavior and return to diplomacy and dialogue, which is why an EU fact-finding group to Iran would be a constructive initiative.

Kaveh L Afrasiabi, PhD, is the author of After Khomeini: New Directions in Iran's Foreign Policy (Westview Press) . For his Wikipedia entry, click here. He is author of Reading In Iran Foreign Policy After September 11 (BookSurge Publishing , October 23, 2008) and his latest book, Looking for rights at Harvard, is now available.

(Copyright 2011 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


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(24 hours to 11:59pm ET, Nov 30, 2011)

 
 



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