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    Middle East
     Sep 11, 2012


Iran faces its zugzwang moment
By Chris Cook

In a chess game, "zugzwang" occurs when the player to move has no good move because every move loses the game. That is now exactly the position in which Iran's chess masters see themselves in their Great Game with the P5+1 nations - the United Nations Security Council permanent members plus Germany.

The first point to understand is that the conflict going on is not military but economic. There is precisely zero chance of a military attack on Iran by Israel without United States support and

 
precisely zero chance of US support without consent from China which will not be forthcoming.

Dumb US oil sanctions and incessant Israeli sabre-rattling have combined to create an "Iran premium" in the global oil price which has meant that Iran has lost relatively little net oil revenue, since while exporting less it is being excessively rewarded for what it does sell.

Smart US financial sanctions on the other hand - culminating in cutting off Iran's Central Bank Markazi from the dollar payments system - have been having an increasingly drastic effect on Iran's economy. The flow of liquidity necessary for both domestic and international trade has been choked off almost entirely with dramatic effects in terms of inflation of the price of staples, particularly chicken.

The rapidly deteriorating situation was illustrated by reports from Tehran that the street rate is now 24,300 riyals to the dollar, almost precisely double the official rate of 12,260.

It has not helped Iran that China, which I was told in Tehran earlier this year then had an outstanding balance to Iran of some US$50 billion, has quietly become illiquid and short of dollars, and therefore prefers to settle its obligations in kind, such as in goods, services and infrastructure, rather than in increasingly scarce dollars.

A clear and present danger
The basis of Iran's riyal - as it is with any such "fiat" currency issued by a central bank as the fiscal agent of the State Treasury - is Iran's tax base and economy.

But Iran's recent disconnection from the dollar payments system has interrupted the flow of value that sustains Iran's economy and tax-base and backs Iran's domestic currency issuance of riyals. This is exactly what the US intended when taking what is essentially an act of economic warfare .

Iran's central bank is firmly in the control of President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's faction, whose understanding of markets and economics is limited. It was announced this week by the central bank that a currency bourse would open on September 21 the purpose of which is to create a better and more transparent dollar/riyal exchange rate. The street rate of exchange for riyals against dollars is snow almost double the official rate and this disparity affords mouthwatering profit opportunities to those with privileged access to dollars.

Iran's population has never had much confidence in the riyal and if the central bank were to increase the flow of riyals into the economy, without addressing the current interruption of the flow of dollar-denominated value upon which the riyal is based, this will lead quite quickly to hyper-inflation in Iran and to the destruction of Iran's economy.

In other words, hyperinflation in Iran is now a clear and present danger, and this is in all probability the key US policy objective in pursuing current financial sanctions.

Lose, lose
For Iran every move appears to be a losing move. If nuclear concessions are not made, then the economic stranglehold will continue to choke the life out of Iran's economy. If they are made, not only will the domestic political price be high for those responsible, with an imminent presidential election in 2013, but also the inflated global oil price will then collapse and the last vestiges of domestic confidence in the economy and the currency will collapse with Iran's oil revenues.

The sophisticates who rule the conservative factions understand only too well that Iran has no good policy options, and this has led to a strange paralysis, where the only initiatives come from the unsophisticated Ahmadinejad faction, which last year lost out in an oligarchic power play for control of Iran's natural resources.

So while nuclear diplomacy and domestic politics remain paralyzed, the Non-Aligned Meeting (NAM) had the effect of closing Tehran for a week of holidays, and President Ahmadinejad will once again shortly be pulling the US tiger's tail at the United Nation. Such distractions, combined with the Olympics (12 medals) and Paralympics (24 medals, including 10 golds), are reminiscent of ancient Rome's "bread and circuses" ... albeit with bread becoming scarcer by the day.

A new-clear option
In 1923, Germany stabilized one of the worst cases of hyperinflation in history through the creation and issue of the "rentenmark". This transitional currency, which replaced the worthless hyper-inflated deutschemark, was land-backed, being based directly upon mortgages over the productive value of Germany's flourishing agricultural economy. Its basis on land value gave the rentenmark credibility with the German population while a new and more conventional currency was developed.

In Iran, however, the principal basis of the economy is carbon-based energy, and during high level meetings earlier this year, and in recent dialogue, my advice to Iran's policy makers has been to re-base the riyal currency directly upon the use value of energy.

In this model, issuance of currency units returnable in payment for energy would take place transparently by Iran's energy utilities and companies under the management of banking service providers and the supervision of the central bank as a monetary authority.

Properly executed, such a monetary and fiscal policy would neutralize the inflationary effect of current subsidies in riyals, and would lead to energy conservation by a population accustomed to cheap fuel, since the new energy-based riyals they hold - and would be motivated to save - would be acceptable in any country to which Iran supplies crude oil, natural gas, electricity or oil products.

In summary, I advocate to Iran specifically, but also to other members of the regional Economic Co-operation Organization, a transition through energy co-operation to a new regional market in energy centered upon the vast energy resources of the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf.

The necessary "clearing union" legal and financial platform, and energy market instruments are achievable with no change in any domestic law. Such a "NewClear" option would see Iran adopt an "energy standard" of exchange and could lead a transition from the current paradigm of deficit-based dollar economics to an asset-based energy economics.

Chris Cook is a former director of the International Petroleum Exchange. He is now a strategic market consultant, entrepreneur and commentator.

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