WRITE for ATol ADVERTISE MEDIA KIT GET ATol BY EMAIL ABOUT ATol CONTACT US
Asia Time Online - Daily News
             
Asia Times Chinese
AT Chinese




    Middle East
     Oct 4, 2012


SPEAKING FREELY
Obama loses sight of Syrian reality
By Riccardo Dugulin

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

President Barack Obama's speech at the United Nations General Assembly in September provided an interesting outlook about the current administration concept of foreign policy. Through the president's words, the US appeared to remain deeply engaged in global affairs. The will to spread democracy and the respect of

 
human rights as universal values has been the core of Washington's foreign policy for the last two decades and it keeps on being so under this administration.

Yet, the presidential speech presents major points of inflection. If the willingness to better people lives through relentless efforts of the American citizens and their government is still a dominant of the foreign policy equation, the president further stressed his personal attachment to a strategy of empowerment of local partners, in which regional actors receive many of the prerogatives the United States used to have.

If in a long time US presidential speeches may have not been characterized by political realism, an underlying distinctiveness of Obama's address to the UN was his unquestioned acceptance of the Arab Spring rhetoric, and the idealistic strategy that follows. Such a foreign policy stance is especially arguable as the discourse emerging from the Arab revolts has not been crafted by the White House; it is not under its control and may to some extent damage its direct national interests in the region.

Focusing on the current Syrian civil war, it is necessary to consider the possible back clashes of such a position. Since day one, the events in Syria have been as much a human struggle as a war of information. While the US president, along with a majority of Western leaders, fully adopted the rhetoric of Syrian oppositions forces, the situation on the ground is now coming to a point where a simplistic approach based on wishful thinking and diplomatic procrastination may yield negative effects for US interests in the region and an overall protracted conflict in Syria and neighboring countries.

The US stance over the ongoing civil war may be summarized by Obama's statement: "in Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people". This brief sentence highlights a certainty: whenever the clouds over Syria dissipate, the political situation will be substantially different than the one existing prior to the uprising. The fall of Bashar Al-Assad may not be a given today, but the rapports de forces inside the country will drastically change in the coming months and years.

Regardless of that, President Obama allusions to the present conflict do indicate that the US policy toward Syria is based on two pillars: 1) unwillingness to commit to overt military intervention, 2) overly simplified, if not erroneous, analytical premises.

The unwillingness to intervene militarily has certainly not been officially stated but the US military posture in the region does indicate that Washington will not lead NATO forces into a humanitarian oriented operation against the Assad regime. Budgetary restrictions, a wary public opinion and the need to keep up the pressure against Teheran are the major forces behind the US/NATO inaction over Syria. In addition to that, if the beginning of the Syrian uprising provided international decision makers with clear cut black and white lines these frontiers have now long been shattered. A military operation against the regime forces would in no way serve the purpose of ending the ongoing civil conflict as the Syrian military apparatus has now became only a part, granted the major one, in a regional proxy war.

The Obama version of the Syrian conflict remains an overly simplified appreciation of the facts on the ground. There are no doubts of the atrocities committed by the regime against its citizens, yet the prolonged conflict is now offering a more complex situation than that of a "dictator who massacres his people". The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights recently published the data concerning casualties of the civil war. All statistics of the conflict must be viewed as approximations yet this information provide a clear outlook of an evolving situation.

Throughout the war, the report states, "At least 21,534 civilians, 7,322 soldiers and 1,168 defectors have been killed". A steep increase of military casualties has been verified in the last six months as it has been accompanied with an amplified inflow of foreign fighters.

Libyans and Chechens jihadis are pouring into Syria financed by Sunni power houses to support the oppositions' forces, while Iranians and Lebanese Shi'ites are stepping up their efforts to wage irregular warfare in support of the regime. The multiplication of stakeholders and conflicting parties is likely to lessen the chances of a quick solution to the internal conflict. Clashes have been reported between oppositions' forces as ideological differences between secular and jihadis augment the risks of prolonged hostilities.

President Obama's rhetoric of focusing on regime atrocities willingly omits the breaches to human rights committed by other parties involved in the conflict. Arbitrary executions, kidnappings and random bombings are no longer actions that can only be attributed to Al Assad loyalists.

By focusing exclusively on the obvious accusations against Assad's regime, President Obama overlooked some of the major risks presented by the Syrian civil war.

The ongoing spillover of the conflict by stepping over the Lebanese, Turkish and Jordanian borders are realities to be considered with the highest degree of attention. As in the 1980s Palestinian terrorists found safe havens in Southern Lebanon to wage a war against Israel, elements of the Syrian oppositions' forces increasingly settle in border region to prepare attacks against regime loyalists. While a full-scale military response to these acts may remain unlikely in the near future, destabilization attempts and low intensity border warfare may possibly be the next step of Al Assad's strategy.

A fall of Assad would in no way limit the presence of jihadist elements in Syria and is likely to introduce a period of amplified inter-confessional and inter-ethnic violence, a point President Obama has willingly bypassed as well. The likelihood of the destruction of century old Christian communities in the region will only be increased in an all-against-all civil conflict once the focus will be taken off the Syrian regime forces.

In addition to these changes, the abrupt and uncontrolled fall of Al Assad may well provoke the transfer of Syrian chemical weapons to Hezbollah, a move which has been defined as "red line" by the Israeli political and military establishment.

President Obama fell short of highlighting what the United States can actually do to enable a solution to the Syrian civil war.

The quest for freedom and respect of human life is one of the most honorable acts a nation can thrive for, yet the Syrian civil war is rapidly moving toward an highly explosive situation destabilizing the region requiring a major participation of all international powers.

Securing the Lebanese border, aiming at having fully non-weaponized refugee camps in Turkey while putting pressure on Iraq to immediately stop its support to the murderous Syrian regime are a few points the President should have stressed. Strong and unconditional "red lines" regarding the use or diffusion of chemical weapons along with the support of Arab led and Arab implemented peace efforts should also be among the White House top priority issues.

With these priorities clearly stated, the US and its NATO allies could drop the military option while focusing on depriving regime forces of its arm supplies and sponsoring an inclusive reconciliation dialogue.

Riccardo Dugulin holds a Master degree from the Paris School of International Affairs (Sciences Po) and is specialized in International Security. He is currently working in Paris for a Medical and Security Assistance company. He has worked for a number of leading think tanks in Washington DC, Dubai and Beirut. His personal website is www.riccardodugulin.com.

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. Articles submitted for this section allow our readers to express their opinions and do not necessarily meet the same editorial standards of Asia Times Online's regular contributors.

(Copyright 2012 Riccardo Dugulin) 




New offensive escalates Syrian civil war
Oct 2, '12

Syria between Hama 1982 and Lebanon
Sep 28, '12


 

 
 



All material on this website is copyright and may not be republished in any form without written permission.
© Copyright 1999 - 2012 Asia Times Online (Holdings), Ltd.
Head Office: Unit B, 16/F, Li Dong Building, No. 9 Li Yuen Street East, Central, Hong Kong
Thailand Bureau: 11/13 Petchkasem Road, Hua Hin, Prachuab Kirikhan, Thailand 77110