South Asia

Kashmir: A gun to India's head
By Sudha Ramachandran

BANGALORE - As India steps up its efforts to draw moderate separatists in to contest the forthcoming elections to the Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) Assembly, the call by Pakistan-based militants to the separatist umbrella organization, the Hurriyat Conference, to boycott the polls could hamper that endeavor.

On Tuesday, the United Jihad Council (UJC), a conglomerate of 15 jihadi groups based in Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, issued a statement calling on the Hurriyat Conference to "take a clear, categorical and unequivocal stand regarding the so-called elections in the occupied territory [Indian-administered Kashmir] and represent the sentiments of the Kashmiris by launching a vigorous anti-polls campaign." The UJC warned that betrayal of the Kashmir cause would be considered "an unpardonable crime" and that "the criminals would have to face exemplary punishment".

A call by the UJC for a boycott of the forthcoming polls, due in September, was expected as a successful election will be a setback to its violent campaign in Indian-administered Kashmir.

The UJC is a creation of Pakistan’s intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). It is headed by Syed Salahuddin, the Pakistan-based commander of the Hizbul Mujahideen, the largest militant group operating in India-administered Kashmir.

India perceives the UJC’s warning to the Hurriyat as an ISI-inspired attempt to derail the elections by threatening anyone who participates in it. New Delhi is wooing the moderates among the separatists so that the election gains credibility and does not seem just a contest between pro-India parties. It believes that Islamabad is seeking to frustrate its attempt at restoring normalcy in the strife-torn state by strengthening the hardliners, who are opposed to the polls.

Since its formation in 1993, the Hurriyat has never contested an election. It called for a boycott of elections to the state assembly in 1996 and to the Indian parliament in 1996 and 1998. Boycott calls were ruthlessly enforced by the militants in previous elections, resulting in abysmal voter turnout, notwithstanding attempts by the Indian security forces to force people to vote.

There are indications that the younger leaders of the Hurriyat and the second-rung leadership of its constituent organizations are now open to participating in the forthcoming poll.

"The UJC warning is an attempt by Pakistan to ensure that none of the Hurriyat leaders will dare participate in the polls," says an Indian intelligence officer operating in Srinagar, the capital of J&K.

Pakistan’s strategy to scare away moderate separatists from participating in the poll process has acquired a new urgency because of the changed mood today in the Kashmir Valley.

Sections in the Hurriyat as well as in the militant groups operating in Kashmir have slowly come around to the view that armed struggle is counterproductive to their cause. The recently assassinated Hurriyat leader, Abdul Gani Lone, was in fact the first among the separatists to sense the growing surge of anti-Pakistan sentiment on the streets of Srinagar. He responded to that groundswell swiftly by speaking out against the foreign militants he had once welcomed and endorsing the dialogue option. It was again a reading of this changed situation on the ground that prompted the now expelled Hizbul Mujahideen commander, Majid Dar, to defy the Pakistan-based leadership and to open a dialogue channel with Delhi.

With elections coming up, India and Pakistan have been engaged in a battle to tilt the moderate-hardline balance in their favor. On May 21, pro-Pakistan forces dealt a blow to Valley-based moderate separatists by assassinating Lone. The balance swung in favor of the anti-poll hawks as the assassination resulted in moderates withdrawing into a shell.

New Delhi responded by arresting the pro-Pakistan and anti-election Hurriyat hardliner, Syed Ali Shah Geelani. That arrest removed a key obstacle to the election process. It created space for other Hurriyat leaders to consider adopting a more flexible approach to the electoral process. Gulam Mohammed Bhat, leader of Geelani’s Jamaat-e-Islami, for instance, said that he would not be calling for a boycott of the poll. The political wind seemed to be blowing in Delhi’s favor.

"The UJC’s warning to the Hurriyat to keep away from the poll process is Pakistan’s response to the loss of political ground in Kashmir," a retired bureaucrat who served in J&K told Asia Times Online. With the ground slipping beneath its feet, the ISI had to act. The outcome was the UJC raising the threat of the gun.

The UJC warning to the Hurriyat against participation in the forthcoming polls has now put the separatists in a tight spot. The militants expect the Hurriyat leaders to call for a boycott of the poll. If they do not, they could be gunned down.

On the other hand, the Kashmiri people would want them to contest the poll. The average Kashmiri is disillusioned with armed struggle, the militancy and Pakistan’s role in it. They are expressing a desire for a "just peace".

There is Western pressure, too, on the Hurriyat to join the electoral process. An American delegation that recently met the Hurriyat chairperson, Abdul Gani Bhat, is reported to have told him that the US would not recognize any organization that stayed away from the democratic exercise. The European Union and the United Kingdom have conveyed similar views to the Hurriyat.

Besides, "the Hurriyat leaders fear that they will be rendered politically irrelevant if they miss this opportunity of entering the legislative assembly. They cannot afford to wait for another five years for that. The senior leaders have already lost ground to the younger leaders in the organization," says a Kashmiri journalist.

Indeed, young leaders such as Sajjad Lone, Shabbir Shah, Majid Dar and Mirwaiz Omar Farooq are sending out signals that they are not opposed to the electoral process.

Shabbir Shah, who has spent around 20 years in Indian jails and is today leader of the J&K Democratic Freedom Party, has been engaging in talks with the Indian government. "He might not be pro-India but that he is anti-Pakistan and secular and open to the democratic process makes him Delhi’s best bet among the separatists," says the Indian intelligence officer. Shah is emerging as a rallying point of the non-Hurriyat separatists.

Mirwaiz Omar Farooq, a former chairperson of the Hurriyat and the religious head of Kashmir’s oldest mosque, has spoken out against the UJC ultimatum and said that the Hurriyat won’t be guided by anyone. Bilal Lone, son of the assassinated Abdul Gani Lone, represents the People’s Conference in the Hurriyat. Taking a dig at militants issuing threats from the safety of comfortable homes in Pakistan, Bilal Lone has called on Salahuddin to return to Kashmir to enforce the poll boycott. Bilal’s brother Sajjad Lone has been calling on the Hurriyat to shed its rigid stance of opposition to the poll process. Significantly, it is the younger leaders who are today speaking out against the rule of the gun.

However, the question is whether the separatists will be willing to ignore the threat of the militants’ guns to contest the polls. Will the lure of the spoils of office outweigh the real possibility of physical elimination?

More important, how many Kashmiri people will dare to defy the militants’ diktat to turn up to exercise their franchise on polling day?

The boycott call from across the border might not go down well with the Kashmiris, many of whom are keen to vote and get the political process moving. It might deepen the emerging rift between the people in the Kashmir Valley and the armed men and their sponsors in Pakistan. This, it might seem, is to Delhi’s advantage. However, as long as the gun determines the nature of discourse in the Valley, it will be Pakistan that calls the shots. The advantage could well tilt again in Islamabad’s favor.

(©2002 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)

 
Jul 6, 2002



 

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