South Asia

India, Nepal and the Maoist maze
By Sanjay K Jha

A succession of recent events along the India-Nepal borders, particularly in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal, has warranted a rethinking on India's security frontiers with its tiny neighbor. There is an imminent danger that the Maoist insurgency in Nepal may affect the internal security scenario in India, with inextricable and strengthening linkages between the Nepalese Maoists and left-wing extremist groups - generically referred to as Naxalites - active in different parts of India.

Following the ongoing crackdown in Nepal, Maoist insurgents are infiltrating into India, mainly through the porous border in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Uttaranchal, West Bengal and Sikkim. The 745-kilometer border that Bihar shares with Nepal has been particularly active in this connection, and the Bihar police have, of late, arrested a number of Maoist insurgents, including some prominent leaders, in the Sitamarhi, East Champaran and West Champaran districts bordering Nepal. Nine Maoist insurgents were arrested by the Bihar police on September 18 and September 20. Earlier, in July, three Maoist insurgents were arrested in Madhubani district.

The arrested Maoists disclosed to the police that several newly recruited cadres were being given arms training in special training camps in the forests of Bagha in the West Champaran district, which have, of late, emerged as a safe haven for the Nepalese insurgents.

The Bihar police also suspect that one of the top ideologues of the Nepalese Maoists, Baburam Bhattarai, is hiding in Bihar. Bhattarai, a product of New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University, is believed to have close links with the Maoist Communist Center (MCC) and the People's War Group (PWG). Reports also suggested that the executive head and chairman of the Maoists, Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, had entered India and held a meeting with the Naxalites at Patna in May 2002.

After the Bihar's bifurcation, there was a feeling that most of the left-wing extremism affected districts had gone to Jharkhand and that the Naxalites had only a limited sphere of influence in some areas of central Bihar. Succeeding months, however, have witnessed increased Naxalite activities in the northern parts of the state bordering Nepal. The MCC, which was earlier confined to south (now Jharkhand) and central Bihar, has extended its activities in the Darbhanga, Madhubani, Sitamarhi, Sheohar, East and West Champaran and Muzaffarpur districts. All these districts either share their border with Nepal or are very close to it. On September 22, a huge quantity of arms and ammunition was recovered by police in the Muzaffarpur district, following an encounter with the MCC. Earlier, on September 18, police arrested three MCC activists at Hayaghat railway station, in Darbhanga district. The arrest led to the recovery of a landmine. This was the first time that a landmine had been recovered from extremists in north Bihar.

Bihar police sources maintain that the MCC has close links with the Maoists operating in Nepal, and that the MCC moved from south and central Bihar to the north to link up with the Maoists in Nepal, and there are now indications of an exchange of men and material.

That the Nepalese Maoists have frequently been crossing over to Bihar and Jharkhand to collaborate with their ideological counterparts in India is not a recent development. In December 2001, the MCC and the PWG, in their joint meetings, held at an unspecified location in Jharkhand forests, resolved to support the Moist insurgents in Nepal. In May 2001, a report indicated that the union home ministry had forwarded to the Bihar government Nepal's request to flush extremists who were conducting training camps for Nepali Maoists out from the state, and noted that there had been a steady trickle of Nepali Maoists into Bihar's Bhojpur and Aurangabad districts over the preceding two years. These districts provide an ideal setting for such camps, as the terrain is hilly and densely forested.

Apart from Bihar, the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) is also fast emerging as a shelter for the Maoists, particularly in the border districts of Baharaich and Maharajganj. In January, Uttar Pradesh police seized a truck carrying arms in Maharajganj on the Indian-Nepal border. The arms, procured from Naxalites in eastern UP, were intended for the Maoists' campaign in Nepal. In April, UP police seized a huge cache of arms in Siddarthnagar near the Indian border and arrested the couriers, who confessed that the arms were being sent to the Maoists, and that they had already delivered three consignments. An increasing number of injured Maoist soldiers are also sneaking across the border into Uttar Pradesh for treatment. In May, police arrested eight Maoists who had come for medical treatment to Lucknow.

The Maoists are also attempting to establish a network in north Bengal and Sikkim. Available evidence suggests that the Maoists have been able to penetrate deep into certain border areas, particularly Darjeeling and Siliguri in north Bengal, and have been instigating local Nepalese settlers to assert their "right to self-determination" in Nepali dominated areas. The more disturbing trend relates to reports about Maoist linkages with the Kamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO), which primarily operates in parts of West Bengal and Assam. The KLO is believed to provide sanctuary to Maoist cadres fleeing Nepal.

The real significance of the consolidation of linkages between left-wing extremists in India and Nepal needs to be assessed within the context of the larger strategy to set up a "Compact Revolutionary Zone" extending from Nepal through Bihar and the Dandakaranya region to Andhra Pradesh. For some time now, these groups have been trying to work together, and the Nepalese Maoists, the PWG and the MCC were instrumental in setting up an umbrella organization called the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA). The formation of the CCOMPOSA came to light in a joint statement issued by these organizations on July 1, 2001, which indicated that nine left-wing groups of Nepal, India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka had joined hands to "unify and coordinate the activities of the Maoist parties and organizations in South Asia".

Coordinated action is now in increasing evidence, and on January 25, the central committee of the politburo of Maoist insurgents resolved to launch a campaign against the proscription of the PWG and the MCC under India's Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA). Earlier, they had sent a delegate to the PWG congress held in Buzurmad village, in the Dandakaranya forests of Madhya Pradesh, between March 3 and 22, 2001. At the congress, the PWG reportedly resolved to jointly conduct programs with the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the Communist Party of the Philippines, the Communist Party of Peru and the Communist Party of Turkey-Marxist-Leninist. An India-Nepal border regional committee has also been established to "coordinate" the activities of the two groups in the border districts in Bihar.

The Maoist insurgents also have the support of a section of the substantial Nepalese population living in India. The union government banned the Akhil Bhartiya Nepali Ekta Samaj (ABNES) under the POTA on July 1 for its alleged linkages with the Maoists in Nepal. On September 6, the police arrested ABNES secretary Bamdev Chhettri in New Delhi, for allegedly supporting Maoist insurgents in Nepal.

The idea of a "compact revolutionary zone" across a significant swathe of South Asia may, at the present juncture, seem somewhat fantastical, but the diffuse networks of existing violence constitute a very serious challenge for security planners in India and Nepal. Any effective strategy to deal with the growing and increasingly interlinked networks of Maoist extremism in the region demands improved operational coordination between the two countries to counter a subversive, complex and immensely disruptive maze of individuals, groups and ideologies.

Sanjay K Jha, research associate, Institute for Conflict Management.

Published with permission from the South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal
 
Oct 23, 2002


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