South Asia

KASHMIR QUAGMIRE
Olive branch or poisoned chalice?
By Sudha Ramachandran

BANGALORE - Late in December, India’s Deputy Prime Minister Lal Krishna Advani announced that the federal government would soon hold a dialogue with "elected representatives and others" to resolve the crisis in the state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). "Those who have not participated in the election, if they want to discuss with us the issues concerning the state … they are welcome," Advani said.

The willingness to talk to even those who did not participate in the elections marks a change in Delhi’s long-held position. It has refused to negotiate in the past with the All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC) on the grounds that this conglomerate of separatist organizations has not proved its representative character by contesting elections.

In the run-up to the recent elections to the State Assembly in J&K, New Delhi reiterated that it would hold negotiations only with the elected representatives of the people. In fact, it held this out as a carrot to get moderate separatists to participate in the elections. That strategy, however, failed, with most moderate separatist organizations, including the Hurriyat and the Democratic Freedom Party (DFP), boycotting the elections. The few moderate separatists who did contest the poll did so as independents.

New Delhi’s decision to talk to "those who did not participate in the elections" is, therefore, a significant shift. However, within days of announcing the decision, Advani, who also holds the key Home portfolio, further clarified the government's offer for dialogue. "We are ready to talk to elected representatives and to others as well but not with those who only reflect Pakistan's voice and consider that country to be their master," he said.

Although Advani did not name "those who reflect Pakistan’s voice", it is the Hurriyat that he was referring to. Several of the Hurriyat’s constituents are pro-Pakistan, and constantly push for inclusion of Pakistan in any dialogue initiative.

It is believed that Delhi’s offer of dialogue with the "others" who did not participate in the elections is directed at the DFP and the "doves" within the Hurriyat, like the Peoples Conference. The DFP is separatist. Its leader, Shabbir Shah, has spent many years in Indian jails. But while he is not pro-India, what is of importance to Delhi is that he is vehemently anti-Pakistan. It did seem likely at one time in the months before the polls that Shabbir Shah would even come on board and contest the poll. His failure to do so came as a huge disappointment to Delhi.

The Peoples Conference has been openly critical of Pakistan, of the Pakistan-based militant leadership and of the hardliners in the Hurriyat. Delhi had hoped that the party would break away from the Hurriyat and participate in the polls. It did not. However, it is widely believed that the moderate separatists who broke away from the Peoples Conference to contest the poll were really proxy candidates.

It appears that several of the moderate separatist organizations would have liked to contest the polls, but stayed away fearing militant reprisals.

Delhi’s offer to include them in the dialogue process is yet another attempt at bringing them into the mainstream. "The moderate separatists represent a significant strand of thinking in J&K and Delhi cannot ignore them if it is looking for a long-term solution to the problem," says a Srinagar-based lawyer.

It might seem that the government’s latest offer of dialogue is just another initiative that will, like innumerable other initiatives in the past, prove a non-starter. But there is a difference this time, says a retired Kashmiri bureaucrat. Unlike the previous government, the newly elected Peoples Democratic Party-led coalition government in J&K enjoys credibility with the people, he points out.

There are sections in Kashmir who fear that Delhi’s offer to talk to the "others" could be an attempt at clipping the wings of the PDP-Congress government. While the PDP's main rival in the state is the National Conference (a constituent of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government at the center), the Congress (the PDP’s coalition partner) is the main national rival of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the core of the NDA coalition government in Delhi.

It is less than two months since the PDP coalition government has taken charge in J&K, and already tensions have erupted with Delhi. As part of his "healing touch" policy, Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed has released several jailed separatists. The move has raised Delhi's hackles.

Following the November 24 terrorist attack on the Raghunath Temple in Jammu that left 12 people dead and over 52 injured, Delhi blamed the Mufti government’s "soft-pedaling on terrorism" for the spurt in violence in the state.

Union Minister of State for Home, I D Swami, said that the November 24 killings made it imperative for the J&K government to review its healing touch policy. Jailed terrorists, he said, should not be released "indiscriminately". Two days later, Advani accused the Mufti government of deciding to release the militants without seeking the consent of the Intelligence Bureau.

In an article "An outrage in Jammu", in the fortnightly news magazine Frontline, Praveen Swami writes. "The PDP appears to have no clear paradigm for actually dealing with terrorism." While the Mufti says that "no mercy be shown to Pakistani nationals fighting in J&K", he however, has said nothing of policy towards ethnic-Kashmiri terrorists, notably elements of the Hizbul Mujahideen who backed the PDP's election campaign in south Kashmir."

Swami points out that from November 18 (when the Mufti articulated this policy at a meeting of the unified headquarters) up to November 30, 18 suspected Pakistani nationals were killed in five major engagements. "Not a single ethnic Kashmiri terrorist has been killed, and just two have been arrested. This posture has also meant that terrorists have been able to initiate offensive operations with relative ease. November has seen just over two terrorists killed for each security force trooper lost, the worst figures since the dislocation of counter-terrorist operations during the Kargil War."

Following the attack at the Raghunath temple, the Mufti moved quickly to make peace with Delhi. He has announced the setting up of a screening committee for the release of prisoners and has assured Delhi that the practice of re-arresting militants released on bail will be observed in future, at least in cases where the charges are serious. The disbanding of the Special Operations Group (the ruthless but effective counterinsurgency outfit) – a key election promise of the PDP – appears to have been shelved. The outfit is likely to be merged into the J&K police.

The Mufti government's problems have been compounded by the fact that it is under fire from both the federal government in Delhi and the militants. The government’s alleged appeasement of militants notwithstanding, the militants have not cut down on their attacks. In fact, its extension of an olive branch to them has provoked the Pakistan-based jihadis to step up their attacks. There has been a sharp spurt in militant violence over the past month, with women and children being targeted increasingly. The Mufti has said that the strategy is "not to appease militants but to divest them of the reason to wield the gun". The Pakistani jihadis see his approach as an attempt to weaken the militancy.

Advani has said that while the state government is free to handle issues regarding governance and socio-economic justice, on security issues it would have to seek the opinion of the central government.

Confronted with the people's high expectations of his government, the Mufti has so far moved quickly on issues that have won it brownie points with the people - issues such as compensation to victims of militancy, release of jailed separatists and so on. He will now have to tackle the tough tasks - persuade the moderate separatists to enter the dialogue process and stem the rising violence in the state. Above all, he will have to do a fine balancing act between addressing the grievances of Jammu and Kashmir’s violence-weary people and meeting Delhi’s demands on security issues.

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Jan 7, 2003


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