South Asia

India's startling change of axis
By Sultan Shahin

NEW DELHI - Having preempted the efforts of the United States for peace in South Asia by its own offer of normalization of relations with Pakistan, India has renewed its bid for an axis with Washington and Israel to counter Pakistan, which Delhi describes as the hub of Islamic fundamentalism and international terrorism. The terminology being officially used for this proposed axis is rather innocuous - democratic alliance against terrorism.

While Washington's response is not known, this has created a storm in Indian politics itself, forcing the main opposition Congress party, which ruled India for its first 45 years of independence, to deplore the Hindu fundamentalist Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition government for its "obsession with Israel" even at the cost of national interests.

India's national security adviser Brajesh Mishra outlined the proposal for a US-Israel-India axis against Islamic fundamentalism in Washington last Thursday. Mishra is perhaps the most trusted aide of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and served for several years as the head of the BJP's foreign affairs cell before the party came to power five years ago.

In an address to a meeting of the American Jewish Committee, Mishra argued that democratic countries that are the prime targets of international terrorism should form a "viable alliance" and develop multilateral mechanisms to counter the menace. He identified India, the US and Israel as countries fitting that description. "Such an alliance would have the political will and moral authority to take bold decisions in extreme cases of terrorist provocation. It would not get bogged down in definitional and causal arguments about terrorism," he maintained.

Speaking after a meeting with his American counterpart Condoleezza Rice, Mishra hit out at the Pakistani bid to characterize Kashmiri militants as freedom fighters. The talk that terrorism can be eradicated only by addressing its root causes is "nonsense" he said amid applause. He said that preventive measures like blocking financial supplies, disrupting networks, sharing intelligence and simplifying extradition procedures can be effective only through international cooperation "based on trust and shared values".

At his meeting with Rice, Mishra is understood to have rebutted the claim of Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf that "nothing is happening across the Line of Control" that divides the Indian and Pakistani-administered areas of Kashmir. He acquainted her with an Indian perspective on the continuing incidents of terrorist violence in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). His meeting with Rice came within hours of Musharraf making the assertion to Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage in Islamabad.

Mishra gave Rice an update on the peace moves made by India. He also touched on some of the outstanding bilateral issues. He sought early US action on the "trinity" of issues: high-technology commerce, civilian nuclear energy cooperation and collaboration in space. India believes that early action on these issues could take the India-US relationship to a qualitatively new level of partnership. He pointed out in his address to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York on Wednesday that he hoped the decks will be cleared for the flow of dual-use technologies between the countries since India has consistently followed responsible policies.

While the US has not come up with any response yet, Indian opposition parties have attacked the ruling coalition for its "strange and perverse" obsession with Israel. The most vocal among these has been the Congress. It attacked the BJP-led government on Saturday. "Obsession with Israel on the part of the coalition government is strange and perverse ... when Israel is facing international isolation. It shows the intellectual insolvency of the government," party spokesman S Jaipal Reddy said.

Reddy said that Mishra's statement was "not inadvertent" as Deputy Prime Minister Lal Krishna Advani had also put forward a similar formulation after September 11, 2001. Noting that strategic partnership with Israel was "qualitatively different" from that between India and the US, he said that Mishra would not have pleaded for such an alliance without prior clearance from the prime minister. The Congress warned that a strategic partnership with Israel could upset the consensus built around India's "time-tested" foreign policy.

Reddy said that such a tie-up "defies intelligence", given the ideological dissonance between India and Israel. "There are fundamental [ideological] dissimilarities between India and Israel. The problem faced by Israel is qualitatively different from India. We've held the view that Palestinians have been denied their due. There has to be a minimum ideological similarity for a strategic partnership," Reddy said.

The BJP-led government has indeed shown a great keenness in trying to convince the US for such a strategic alliance since it came to power. It has not let any opportunity go to repeat its interest in such an axis. Whether it was the issue of national missile defense (NMD) mooted by President George W Bush or the terrorist strikes of September 11, India was the first to offer its total support and cooperation, even without being asked for it.

The reasons are not difficult to see. The ideologues of Hindutva (the philosophy of Hindu domination of the sub-continent), had lost no time in justifying their support for NMD on ideological grounds. One such ideologue, Sandhya Jain, for instance, explained this in her column in the daily Pioneer by pointing out that threatened as they both are from Muslim fundamentalism, India and the US are civilizational allies.

She gave voice to India's high hopes from a strategic alliance with the US and Israel and the NMD regime: "A defensive umbrella in which a tracking satellite can find and neutralize enemy missiles in mid-air is no small protection for a country physically surrounded by civilizationally hostile forces. The opposition assertion that this would reduce India to a US satellite is jejune, and merits contempt. India would no more be a satellite than France or Germany was under NATO. But she would be allied to the most powerful country of the free world, a country that is fiercely loyal towards its friends, as witnessed by its abiding relationship with Israel."

Similarly, September 11 found India in the same mood as Britain after Pearl Harbor. British columnist William Rees-Mogg recalled that his country's reaction to Pearl Harbor was one of "horror, but also a huge sense of relief that the USA was now involved in World War II". India, too, hoped that the US would now be involved in the war against terrorism that India has been fighting for the past two decades, first in the state of Punjab and then in J&K, not to speak of the seven states in its Northeast and the Maoist insurgency in the eastern state of Bihar and the western state of Andhra Pradesh.
The Japanese action at Pearl Harbor had, in the words of Rees-Mogg, "started a new process of history; before it was complete, that process led to the destruction of the Japanese empire, the dropping of the first nuclear bombs, the occupation of Japan and eventually to American support for the post-war institutions of NATO, the UN and international peacekeeping". India, too, hoped that the US treating the latest attacks as a declaration of war by the terrorist groups would herald a new historical process that would lead to a new strategic axis of India-US and Israel fighting against Islamic fundamentalism.

Calling for the redoubling of efforts to defeat the "great threat" of terrorism, Vajpayee wrote to Bush assuring him of India's full cooperation in investigations into the terrorist strikes. Condemning the events in the strongest terms, Vajpayee said, "The people of India and my government share the sense of outrage with the American people. We stand ready to cooperate with you in the investigations into this crime and to strengthen our partnership in leading international efforts to ensure that terrorism never succeeds again."

The prime minister brought in the civilizatonal angle as well. He observed that this dark hour was a stark reminder of the power and reach of the terrorists to destroy innocent lives and challenge the civilized order in this world. "It sends a strong message to democracies to redouble our efforts to defeat this great threat to our people, our values and our way of life."

US behavior since September 11 has, however, belied Indian hopes of a strategic US-Israel-India axis fighting Pakistan. The US instead made Pakistan a front-line ally in its fight against the Taliban menace in Afghanistan. Bush and other US officials have often praised India's bug-bear, Musharraf, as a stalwart ally and helped him bring Pakistan back on the path of economic prosperity.

Most observers of the Indian political scene believed that events since September 11 had put cold water on Indian hopes of a civilizational axis - Hindu-Jewish-Christian versus Islam and Confucianism. Vajpayee's hand-of-friendship speech directed at Pakistan from the capital of the state of Jammu and Kashmir last month was also seen as an indication that India now understood the need for coming to terms with its nuclear-armed neighbor Pakistan. This is why Vajpayee government's renewal of this bid for a civilizational axis has surprised many.

But it shouldn't really surprise anyone. There are deep ideological factors impelling Hindu fundamentalist leaders to hope against hope that a civilizational clash will take place, and that they would be on the winning side of it.

The clash of civilization theory is attributed to Samuel Huntington. But few people know, as a Hindutva ideologue Devendra Swaroop Aggarwal pointed out recently, that it had actually been put forward by well-known Hindutva icon Bipin Chandra Pal almost a century ago. Pal had the insight to even foresee that, even though India was at that time engaged in fighting for its independence from the Christian British, in this impending clash Hindus would be on the side of the Judeo-Christian civilization and Islam would be supported by the Confucian Chinese civilization.

This may also be one reason why Hindu fundamentalists never participated in the freedom struggle, and have supported the West throughout the period since independence in 1947 at a time that India was struggling with its foreign policy of non-alignment in a bid to remain neutral between the West and the Soviet Union.

The opportunities offered by September 11 were too good to be missed. India under the BJP may be unable to believe that it has missed them and that nothing can be done to revive those hopes. Before having to join Pakistan in a serious effort to find a peace formula, therefore, it may have felt like making a last-ditch effort.

There is also speculation that the Vajpayee government could not have renewed its offer of a civilizatonal axis without some encouragement from Israel and the US. As for Israel, there can be no doubt that it would love India to be a part of such an axis, and thus be further isolated from the Islamic world.

The evolving situation, particularly the US response, will thus be watched with keen interest. Whether or not the proposed peace talks between India and Pakistan move forward will largely depend on the US response to the Indian proposal for a strategic axis. The last time that India and Pakistan come close to blowing each other up in a nuclear holocaust, the US used determined and coercive diplomacy in the form of travel advisories against its citizens visiting India to bring the two to their senses.

It seems doubtful that the US will join hands with India to destroy Pakistan or even tame it, as Advani demanded on Sunday, particularly as it already virtually owns that country. It is possible that Indian leaders with their single-point agenda of fighting a civilizational battle with Islam are unable to understand the complex games that the US plays.

Visiting US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage has in fact left no one in doubt that India is expected to engage in dialogue with Pakistan, while the US is not going to be the one to ensure that the Pakistani leadership lives up to its commitment made in June last year to end cross-border infiltration permanently.

Armitage told Indian leaders on Sunday that he was not in the business of giving assurances. This amounts to the US washing its hands of the assurances given last year. India officials are also expressing resentment over reported remarks by some US officials that the Kashmir issue should be resolved first to bring an end to cross-border infiltration.

As Pakistani journalist Najam Sethi pointed out, sanity may indeed be located outside South Asia.

(©2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
May 13, 2003



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