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Israel and India join
forces
By Arun Sahgal
NEW
DELHI - The first visit by an Israeli premier to India
this week, 10 years after the establishment of full
diplomatic relations in 1992 by then prime minister
Narshimah Rao overruling his own Congress Party, can
aptly be described as recognition of the growing
convergence of Indian and Israeli interests. That the
visit coincides with the second anniversary of September
11 may perhaps be a coincidence; its significance
nonetheless in the wake of the ever-increasing
footprints of transnational terrorism and fundamentalism
cannot be overlooked.
Importantly, Ariel
Sharon's four-day visit starting on Monday signifies
open acknowledgment of the importance of Indo-Israeli
relations and the jettisoning of an unbalanced Middle
East policy, underscoring two important aspects. One, it
signifies the growing mutual understanding to jointly
fight inimical forces of Islamic jihad and terrorism
emerging as a crescent on the littoral landmass of Asia;
second, it is also an acknowledgement of the important
part played by Israel in assisting India at critical
junctures, by providing weapons, ammunition and sharing
of intelligence, even in the face of strong
international pressure. Any analysis of Indo-Israeli
relations needs to take these significant aspects into
account. In fact, the two are inextricably interlinked,
the latter drawing from the former.
In
contextual terms, the geostrategic recognition of the
congruity of Indo-Israeli interests and their
significance was outlined by national security advisor
Brijesh Mishra in his recent address to the American
Jewish Committee, when he argued that democratic
countries that are the prime targets of international
terrorism should form a "viable alliance" and develop
multilateral mechanisms to counter that menace. He
identified India, the US and Israel as countries fitting
that description. "Such an alliance would have the
political will and moral authority to take bold
decisions in extreme cases of terrorist provocation," he
said.
The constructive aspect of the proposal
signifies the creation of a strong force of stability
against the potential epicenter of fundamentalism and
radicalism. The main purpose is to keep the theater of
the Indian Ocean and its Eastern approaches to Europe
free from radical and fundamental forces that are
showing increasing signs of consolidation.
From
the Indian perspective, the importance of this cannot be
undermined, particularly in the context of Pakistan's
continuing proxy war and the turbulent regional scenario
increasingly exacerbated by instability in the Middle
East, Afghanistan, Central Asia and Pakistan.
That the interests of the two countries
coincides was highlighted during a June 22 joint working
group meeting at which Zvi Gabey, deputy
director-general in the Israeli Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, said, "We find ourselves in the same camp that
fights terrorism and we have to develop our relationship
according to that."
An Indian Foreign Ministry
official acknowledging this, saying during the same
meeting, "India finds it increasingly beneficial to
learn from Israel's experience in dealing with terrorism
since Israel, too, has long suffered from cross-border
terrorism." Under the circumstances, the emerging
understanding to forge a tripartite cooperation between
the India, the US and Israel to jointly fight the menace
of cross-border and international terrorism must be seen
as an important step in preserving peace and security in
the region by harnessing common resources, and it need
not be construed as against any particular region or
interests.
The position taken by Pakistan on the
growing Indo-Israeli ties is indeed surprising. A
Pakistani spokesman earlier this month, expressing
concern over the growing Indo-Israeli defense
cooperation, highlighted that it would have a negative
impact on the security situation in South Asia. What is
surprising is that Pakistan should be making such a
statement when its president, General Pervez Musharraf,
has been openly espousing diplomatic relations with
Israel.
Musharraf even chided inimical interests
in his own country to stop being more "Catholic than the
Pope" or more "Palestinian than the Palestinians". It
must, however, be recognized that both countries have
mutual interests in establishing these relations. For
Israel, relations with Pakistan could soften enmity
towards the Jewish state, in turn setting off a chain
reaction with countries like Indonesia, Malaysia and
Bangladesh following suite. Such a relationship also has
the advantage of addressing Israeli proliferation
concerns in view of increasing evidence of Pakistani
nuclear proliferation. Similarly, an increasingly
worried Pakistan could indulge in some countervailing
influences, either stand alone or in concert with the
US.
The most significant aspect Indo-Israeli
cooperation from the national security perspective,
however, is the defense cooperation. Following the
collapse of the former Soviet Union, Israel has emerged
as the second largest supplier of weapons systems to
India, in terms of state of the art equipment, which
includes sea-based air defense systems, border
management equipment that includes electronic fencing,
hand-held thermal imagers, as well as advanced avionics,
particularly for SU27 and 30s. To further cement this
relationship, Israel has now mooted a joint weapons
program. According to the US Defense Journal, under the
terms of the program, not only will India and Israel
collaborate in the production of high technology weapons
systems, like the joint development of a theater missile
defense system (TMD), India could also identify products
to the Israeli government, which would then negotiate
with domestic firms.
The rationale of such a
proposal lies in two significant aspects, one,
acceptance, no doubt prompted by the US, to clear the
sale of an advanced weapons system, including the
transfer of technology, which means de-hyphenating
Indo-Pakistani relations and recognition of India's
pre-eminent position in the region and congruence of
strategic interests; second from the Indian perspective
it signifies the emergence of Israel as an alternative
source of hi-tech sales at affordable prices. According
to Defense News, should the current trend continue,
Israel is likely to replace Russia by 2008 as the
largest supplier of arms to India.
The
importance of modernizing and bringing about qualitative
improvement in Indian military capabilities cannot be
overstated. India's current perspective of modernization
has largely been a product improvement exercise in terms
of addition of hardware assets to maintain the elusive
combat edge vis-a-vis Pakistan. Pakistan, India's
principal adversary, on the other hand has been able to
maintain a dissuasive strategic balance by low to medium
technology upgrades and imports at friendship prices. A
realization is now slowly beginning to dawn (based on
lessons from the recent Gulf war) that success in
today's environment is predicated on advances in
technology that allow reconfiguring of forces and
equipment to deliver critical effect at the right
moment. Thus, the creation and maintenance of a
technological edge brought about by precision munitions
and battlefield transparency relevant to the Indian
environment has become an imperative. The contextual
relevance of Indo-Israeli ties lies in Tel Aviv being
able to assist India in achieving this objective.
Another perspective is that given the deep ties
between the US and Israeli defense industries, should
the program materialize it will significantly enhance
the US's stakes in the Indian defense market and
facilitate the sale of jointly-produced weapons systems.
The US approval for the sale of the Phalcon radar
system, brushing aside Pakistani objections, in effect
provides India with long-desired AWAC capability. And
the sale of two Elta Green Pine long-range radar
systems, a component of the Arrow ballistic missile
defense system, dubbing them as a defensive system and
exempting them from restrictions imposed by the Missile
Technology Control Regime, underscore this growing
relationship.
Such a relationship should also
help in overcoming the US's continuing objections to
India's need for dual-use technology transfers, ie,
high-technology commerce, civilian nuclear energy
cooperation and collaboration in space. The agreement on
the sale of an advanced weapons systems at this present
turbulent juncture is recognition of India's rising
continental status with interests and capabilities
across the continent. These, however, can also be seen
by many as attempts to wean India out of its South Asian
centricity (to suit US interests) to a more dynamic
strategic role commensurate with its acknowledged
security interests.
An additional advantage of
the Indo-Israeli relationship lies in diversification of
sources of supplies and in enhancing Indian defense,
research and development and manufacturing capabilities
through importing high technology via the "buy" and
"make" route. Such an approach will assist the Indian
private sector in defense manufacture. In this regard,
Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd's outsourcing program is
significant. It is aimed at helping private Indian
companies chose foreign partners who will help them with
such high-tech projects as avionics and weapons system
integration.
From an Israeli perspective, India
can assist Israel in offering the naval and other
facilities that it lacks to further strengthen the
relationship. A similar proposition was made by
Professor Martin Sherman in an article published in the
Jerusalem Post on February 28 entitled "From Conflict to
Convergence: India and Israel Forge a Solid Strategic
Alliance". The author argues that alliance with India is
important for Israel as it intends to develop a
sea-borne defense capability. In view of the miniscule
territorial dimension of Israel, its defense planners
are increasingly aware of the crucial significance of
the marine and sub-marine theaters. The vulnerability of
Israel's land-based military installations grows with
the acquisition of modern weaponry by other countries in
the region. Strategic thinking in Israel tends to give
prominence to the Indian Ocean as a location for
logistical infrastructure. For the establishment and
operation of such a maritime venture, cooperation with
the Indian navy would be vital.
The Post article
said, "In this regard it is especially significant that
in 2000, Israeli submarines reportedly conducted test
launches capable of carrying nuclear warheads in the
waters of the Indian Ocean off the Sri Lankan coast."
Sherman adds, "An alliance between India and Israel
openly endorsed by the US would create a potent
stabilizing force in the region, which together with
like-minded regimes such as Turkey could contribute
significantly toward facing down the force of radical
extremism so hostile to Indo-Israeli and American
interests in western and Central Asia."
The
article argued that considerations beyond regional
stability made a vibrant India-Israeli axis a clear
interest. "For example, in the growing balance of
geostrategic power, the growing Chinese challenge to US
primacy will almost invariably dictate the need for a
regional counterweight to Chinese domination." While
India may balk at the sheer audacity of such an obvious
enunciation, India needs to consciously debate its
long-term strategic interests and must lay the
foundation for it to become an influential player on the
world stage by developing technological and military
capabilities concurrently with economic development.
Arun Sahgal is the first director of
Net Assessment, an office responsible for long-term
strategic assessments in India's Joint Staff.
(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All
rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for
information on our sales and syndication policies.)
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