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Pakistan at odds over student arrests
By Syed Saleem Shahzad

KARACHI - In an operation that is increasingly beginning to look like an excerpt from 1001 Arabian Nights, Pakistani authorities on Tuesday rounded up a further four Indonesian students studying in Karachi, claiming that they are a part of a sleeper cell of Jemaah Islamiya (JI), a Southeast Asian terror organization.

On the weekend, authorities detained 13 Malaysians, two Indonesians and two Myanmar nationals, including Gun Gun Rusman Gunawan, the 27-year-old brother of JI leader Hambali, who was arrested in Thailand last month and handed over to US authorities on suspicion of masterminding bombings in Southeast Asia and of being al-Qaeda's key regional contact.

From the outset of the arrests in Pakistan, Pakistani officials have made a series of contradictory statements, with various organizations and ministries seemingly falling over themselves to counter one another at every turn.

This has led to much speculation as to the real motives behind the swoops, which involve students from two academic institutions of Salafi origins in Karachi - Jamia Abu Bakar Islamic University in the Gulshan-e-Iqbal area, and Jamia tut Darasatul Islamyia, on University Road.

In the broader context, the arrests can be seen as a continuation of the US-led "war on terrorism", of which Pakistan under President General Pervez Musharraf is an integral part. It is therefore unlikely to be a coincidence that Musharraf is currently in the United States, as he obviously wants to be seen to be doing the right thing as far as his hosts are concerned.

But first, let's look at how events have unfolded. At the time of the arrests, the official word - initially deliberately leaked - was that the students were wanted in their countries of origin, and they would be extradited. This line was duly published in most newspapers.

However, in the case of the Indonesians, the Jakarta government was quick to protest in a formal manner to the Pakistani government that its students were certainly not on any wanted list. And in the case of Gun Gun, it transpired that he had in fact been arrested well before the weekend, but he was lumped together with the other "suspects".

Other claims then followed, such as the students being rounded up for overstaying their visas, or "for involvement in activities seen as prejudicial to the interests of Pakistan". These charges, too, were quickly denied, certainly in the case of the Indonesians, by Indonesian Embassy officials who repeated that the students were "clean".

In the case of Gun Gun, the Pakistani authorities then came up with the argument that he had in fact been given permission to study at the Islamic University Islamabad (in 1999), but he instead illegally entered the Abu Bakar Islamic University Karachi. But this, too, is a baseless charge, as he was issued a no objection certificate (NOC) from both his consulate in Karachi and Pakistani security officials to the change.

Then on Wednesday, the Pakistani interior minister came up with yet another story, suggesting a link between the arrests and a terror sleeper cell in Karachi. Pakistani intelligence, it was maintained, had evidence of communication between Gun Gun and his brother Hambali from 1999-2003. And, they say, Gun Gun provided them with the names of the other members, who were "his close friends on campus".

Brigadier Javed Iqbal Cheema, chief of the Interior Ministry's Crisis Management Cell, said Hambali's brother was an important link in a suspected terror network. "They are being interrogated by our security officials," he said. "They will be deported to their countries in a week to 10 days."

Asia Times Online was able to obtain copies of Gun Gun's file. It clearly shows that the Pakistani and Indonesian authorities had over the past three years consistently given him a clean bill of health.

After disseminating many stories about al-Qaeda sleeper cells in Karachi, both Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence and the US Central Intelligence Agency acknowledge now that Karachi has always served as a transitory port for al-Qaeda operators, and that they are not active on any permanent basis. (There was a very distant al-Qaeda link in the case of slain US journalist Daniel Pearl.)

Gun Gun had been studying in Karachi since 1999, but because of looser rules no Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) data are available on him up to July 2001, at which time the Pakistani government introduced stricter rules for foreign students. From that time, he features in FIA records. His file shows:
  • The Indonesian Consulate in Karachi issued him an NOC on September 10, 2001, to study (Letter No 135/kono/IX/2001). This was issued by Vice Consul Iswayudha.
  • The NOC was for the change of admission from Islamic University Islamabad to Abu Bakar Islamic University Karachi. The Ministry of Education was informed about the development. Another NOC was issued by the Indonesian Consulate in Karachi, issued by Vice Consul Iswayudha, on December 13, 2001 (Reference 182/kons/XII/2001).
  • The Ministry of Education issued an NOC reference number F-4-1/2002-1-C V dated February 18, 2002. In the light of all these developments, the Ministry of the Interior also issued him an NOC (Reference No 9/36/01-Poll E (1), dated March 26, 2002).
  • His visa was extended by the Ministry of the Interior until March 31, 2003 (Reference Letter No 9/36/01 Poll E (1) 2002).
  • On February 26 this year, the Ministry of the Interior gave Gun Gun another extension to March 31, 2004 (Reference letter no9/36/01-Poll. E (1) 1851). The visa number was 1119/03, issued on March 5, 2003, from Karachi.

    In each case, the letters issued, especially those by the Ministry of the Interior, require many inquiries and investigations, ranging from the police to the Intelligence Bureau, the FIA and immigration. These confirm that a person is not wanted by Interpol, for example, or suspected of any illegal activities in Pakistan. Only then is an NOC issued.

    Yet Gun Gun and some of his "close friends" now find themselves in detention.

    (Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
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    Sep 26, 2003



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