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The hammer poised to strike in Pakistan
By Syed Saleem Shahzad

KARACHI - Violent reaction to the assassination of Maulana Azam Tariq, a parliamentarian and head of an anti-Shi'ite group in Pakistan, could provide the government with the opportunity it needs to launch a crackdown on extremist organizations, and round up some of its "most wanted" suspects in the process.

Tariq, a member of the National Assembly and chief of the Millat-i-Islamia (MII) party, which emerged from the ashes of the defunct Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), an anti-Shi'ite movement, was gunned down in a hail of bullets in Islamabad, Pakistan's capital, on October 6 by as yet unidentified killers. The circumstances of the well-orchestrated attack have raised suspicions that it might not be a cut-and-dried sectarian killing.

At present, the anti-Shi'ite movement in Pakistan has two faces. One is the MII, which believes in political struggle through parliament, with the ultimate aim of constitutionally turning Pakistan into a Sunni state, just as Iran is constitutionally a Shi'ite state. About 80 percent of Pakistan's 140 million people are Sunni Muslims. Sectarian strife has claimed many hundreds of lives in Pakistan.

The other face of the anti-Shi'ite movement is the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ), which subscribes to the policy of eradication of Shi'ites. It also grew out of the SSP, formed after the killing of the SSP's founder, Haq Nawaz Jhangvi, and another chief, Maulana Farooqi. To date, all of the SSP's chiefs have died in targeted killings.

Although the LJ is a dissident group of the defunct SSP, many of its key members remained in contact with Tariq, as he was the only political leader whose opinions they respected. Conversely, Tariq lent the LJ a sympathetic ear.

Immediately after Tariq's killing, LJ members gathered in Islamabad and Jhang and vowed to take violent action against the establishment and Shi'ites. According to some reports, they have drawn up a hit list, starting with Interior Minister Syed Faisal Saleh Hayat (a political opponent of Tariq from Jhang, Tariq's parliamentary constituency). Hayat is not a Shi'ite, but traditionally as a Syed he is considered pro-Shi'ite, and most of the followers of his family in Jhang are Shi'ites.

The LJ has been at the forefront of the campaign against US interests in Pakistan, and it has been linked with a bomb attack on the US consulate in Karachi, a hotel blast that killed a number of French workers in the same city, as well as the murder of US journalist Daniel Pearl.

When Tariq won his seat in parliament in last October's elections, he declined to join the six-party religious alliance of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal, which scored unprecedented gains. Instead, he threw in his lot as a coalition partner with the dominant Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-i-Azam, which backs President General Pervez Musharraf. In return, he had all prisoners, of both the SSP and the LJ, released on bail. At the same time, he prevented any crackdown against his party. Incidentally, he himself had been in prison at the time of the elections.

Most of the LJ's militants were trained in Afghanistan during Taliban's rule, and several of them have been a major headache to the law enforcing agencies in Pakistan, notably Riaz Basra, whom they described as a "monster" who emerged from the shadows to make a hit, and then disappeared without trace. He was eventually arrested and killed in an extra-judicial killing.

After September 11, various organizations, including the Harkatul Mujahideen and the Jaish-i-Mohammed, sought to take part in action against US interests in Pakistan, as did the LJ's Asif Ramzi group, commanded by Qari Asad.

These groups have now very much inter-linked and coordinated their activities. Cognizant of this development, US intelligence agents in Pakistan have asked their counterparts to take action.

However, they make difficult targets, especially with their deep underworld connections, and to catch them would require a comprehensive operation against all jihadi groups. The killing of Tariq, and the unrest that it has and is likely to still stir, could provide Pakistan with just this opportunity.

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Oct 11, 2003



Shi'ite warning shot in Pakistan
(Oct 8, '03)

The Shi'ite-Sunni divide (Aug, 03)
Part 1: How real and how deep?

Part 2: Slowly building bridges

 

     
         
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