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Foreign envoys play politics in Nepal
By Rita Manchanda

KATHMANDU - Nepal's diplomatic community is clamoring for an active role in mediating the Himalayan kingdom's eight-year Maoist insurgency struggle, as violence from the conflict continues.

Multilateral donors are insisting that to take development to the grassroots, where it is most needed, Maoists, who control the rural areas, need to be involved. However, the palace-army ruling clique and the Maoists say that Nepalese need to sort out their own affairs.

King Gyanendra's refusal to meet Britain's special envoy for Nepal, Sir Jeffrey James, when he visited at the end of September, signals the palace's unwillingness to hear what the diplomatic community has to say about the need for rapprochement with the agitating political parties to isolate the Maoists.

"The continued lack of representative institutions at the national and local level will seriously erode the principles and practices of parliamentary democracy," James warned.

But the palace seems to be in no mood to sack the king's nominated government, led by Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa. The political parties have been agitating since the king intervened on October 4 last year, dissolved parliament, and took over power.

The triangular nature of Nepal's polity - the monarchists, the political parties and the Maoists - has enabled "the Maoists to tactically exploit the five months agitation of political parties to win concessions from the king", said an ambassador who declined to be named.

Consequently, after the seven-month old ceasefire and peace process fell apart in August, the ambassadors of the United States, Britain, India, China and even Pakistan, in a very public show of diplomatic activism, met the top leaders of the two major political parties in the dissolved parliament, the Nepali Congress and the left party UML, to encourage a united front of all the "constitutional forces" against the Maoists.

Meantime, Nepali officials rebuked the meddling by the US, Britain and Indian ambassadors. "We take the suggestions, goodwill and efforts of friendly countries in a positive way, but it would be much easier for us to resolve the present crisis if they would confine their activities to diplomacy," said an official.

The political parties welcome a proactive diplomatic community. Sarita Giri of the Nepal Sadbhavana party feels optimistic because "we [five parties] are united and the foreign community this time is taking the political parties more seriously".

For the political parties, however, the more immediate crisis is the constitutional one that for them undermines the legitimacy of the current government.

"Once the representatives of the people are back in power, the Maoists challenge can be addressed," emphasized Subhash Nemwang of the UML. "The Maoists repeatedly called for direct talks with the king, because this government has no representative authority, its unconstitutional," he said.

However, the Maoists' Baburam Bhattarai has said that it would make no difference which "puppet regime" was in power, as real power is wielded by the king and army.

Ironically, the palace and the Maoists agree that foreigners should leave Nepal alone. Maoist leader Prachanda has written to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to stop all "foreign armed and otherwise interventions in Nepal and let the Nepalese people decide their own future".

Indeed, Prachanda has recast the revolutionary struggle as "a national war of liberation" because of the involvement of foreign powers, especially the US, which critics say has turned the Royal Nepal Army into a "Royal American Army".

Bhattarai has singled out the US as the spoiler of the peace process and castigated its "imperialist designs" on Nepal as reflected in ambassador Mike Malinowski's remarks to a Nepali fortnightly.

The US government "will step in when we see freedom violated and our interests threatened", Malinowski said. "We have our interest and the interest of our friends in mind so where we can help out and where we are asked to help out, then we will."

Britain, too, is anxious to help. British special envoy James emphasized Nepal's lack of procedural skills in conflict resolution as contributory to the failure of the talks. "There is much international expertise available on conducting peace processes and that could be made available to Nepal," he said. "Of course it's up to Nepal to decide."

The latest to join the chorus is the charge d'affaires of the European Union, Rudiger Wenk, who warned that the European Commission's assistance program of US$9.38 million might be jeopardized unless the government shows a willingness to address the conflict as the situation was worsening. "I had made it known repeatedly, but without any concrete result," he said.

In October last year, the EU had approached the Nepalese government with an offer to act as mediator. The European parliament had voted a motion offering the appointment of a special envoy for Nepal to mediate among the conflicting parties.

With international donors accounting for about 75 percent of the development budget and budgetary support assistance from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund needed for Nepal to put resources in the security arena, the international community has substantial clout in the country.

What do the Maoists think? Robert Needham of the Association of International NGOs notes that despite the shrill anti-foreigner rhetoric from the rebels, grassroots programs on the whole have continued despite a clear pullback from field operations.

Another representative of a large agency, preferring anonymity, spoke of the increasing pressure of extortions, vulnerability to the whims of local Maoist commanders and a blockade imposed by the security forces that restricts the transport of food, medicines, cement and pipes.

At the beginning of Dashain festival season this month, 10 international agencies published an appeal to be allowed to continue to do development and humanitarian work, identifying basic operating guidelines.

(Inter Press Service)
 
Oct 17, 2003



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