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Iran, North Korea join nuclear blame game

Iran has rejected a confession by top Pakistani scientist Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan that he passed nuclear secrets to Tehran for personal profit. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi said on Monday that "what is being raised in the media" about Khan's admissions "is not true".

The spokesman acknowledged that Tehran obtained some foreign nuclear know-how from middlemen, but made no mention of having received technology made available by Khan on the black market. He said the Iranian government recently provided the United Nations' nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), with the names of some of the illicit brokers at the agency's request.

North Korea, too, has denied the admission by Khan that he sold nuclear-weapons technology to the state. A statement by a Foreign Ministry spokesman described the claim as "false propaganda" spread by the United States, the state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) reported. The spokesman said that the "US smear campaign" justified Pyongyang's moves "to build [a] nuclear deterrent force". It was North Korea's first official response to the Pakistani disclosures. The denial comes just weeks before new six-way talks on Pyongyang's nuclear-weapons program are to begin in Beijing on February 25.

On Monday, US Secretary of State Colin Powell said he had urged Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf to make sure no more of the secret nuclear exchange network remained. "This is nothing but mean and groundless propaganda," the North Korean spokesman said. "This is aimed to scour the interior of the DPRK [Democratic People's Republic of Korea] on the basis of a legitimate mandate and attack it, just as what it did in Iraq in the end, and invent a pretext to ... scuttle the projected six-way talks," the Korean statement said.

The nuclear dispute with North Korea was triggered in 2002 when Washington said Pyongyang had admitted to harboring an enriched-uranium program. North Korea has since claimed to have finished reprocessing 8,000 spent fuel rods being stored at Yongbyon - enough to help it build up to six nuclear weapons.

The Iranian denial, meanwhile, of any direct connection with Khan will come as an embarrassment to Musharraf, who has heaped all blame on the "rogue" scientist in a move that many interpret as a way to deflect attention from any possible involvement of the Pakistani army in proliferation.

Last Wednesday, Khan publicly confessed on Pakistani national television to transferring nuclear technology to Iran, Libya and North Korea during the 1980s and 1990s. Khan, who last week received a full pardon from Musharraf, said his activities were not authorized by Islamabad. "I also wish to clarify that there was never, ever, any kind of authorization for these activities by the government. I take full responsibility for my actions and seek [the Pakistani people's] pardon," he said.

Nuclear experts say Pakistan is widely believed to be the technology source for Iran's efforts to enrich uranium beyond levels needed for peaceful energy purposes. Those efforts were revealed by an armed Iranian opposition group in exile two years ago, leading to an ongoing IAEA investigation into Iran's suspected covert nuclear-weapons program.

Gary Samore, a weapons-proliferation expert at the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, described the suspected Pakistan-Iran nuclear link this way: "I think it is generally accepted that Pakistan provided centrifuge technology - which is a technique for producing weapons-grade uranium - to Iran back in the late 1980s, and that, on that basis, Iran has subsequently pursued its own centrifuge program. The unknown question is whether or not Pakistan also provided nuclear-weapons-design information to Iran."

Samore said the question of whether Iran acquired additional nuclear secrets from Pakistan arises because it is known that Khan sold such information to Libya. "Now we know, in the case of Libya, because the Libyans have acknowledged it, [that] they paid US$50 million to A Q Khan and company for a nuclear-weapons design," he said. "Whether Iran received a similar design is something that is not publicly known and, hopefully, the Pakistani government - having investigated A Q Khan's activities - will be in a position to share that kind of information with relevant governments, including the United States, as well as international agencies like the IAEA."

Analysts say that learning the truth about how much nuclear information Tehran received from Pakistan is essential to learning just what weapons-making capabilities Iran may still be concealing from investigators. But Samore says that, despite Khan's confessions, investigating the technology transfers is exceedingly difficult.

The nuclear expert notes that it remains far from certain whether Khan operated independently. Khan - who is highly regarded at home as the "father" of Pakistan's nuclear bomb - headed a key government nuclear laboratory until he was forced to retire by Musharraf in early 2001. In an interview with the New York Times this week, Musharraf said he forced Khan to retire from his post as head of Khan Research Laboratories (KRL) to prevent him transferring any more nuclear secrets. That is the first time the general has cited Khan's nuclear activities as the reason for his departure. Previously the dismissal was attributed to US pressure over feared KRL links to al-Qaeda.

Samore notes that because Pakistan is not a signatory to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Islamabad - unlike Tehran - is under no international obligation to cooperate with IAEA efforts to investigate sales of nuclear secrets. He also says that Musharraf may have little reason to back any wide-ranging IAEA or other public investigation into how Khan sold Pakistani nuclear secrets because the results could be politically explosive.

"Musharraf is in a bind. On one hand, it is very unlikely that A Q Khan carried out these activities over the last 15 years without senior members of the Pakistani military and the intelligence service being aware of it, although they might not have known about every detail," Samore said.

He continued: "But, on the other hand, if Musharraf conducts a full investigation, he is very likely to create domestic political problems for himself - not only because of A Q Khan's popularity but also because Musharraf would be forced to investigate all of his predecessors as army chief of staff, which is likely to cause trouble in the Pakistani army, and that is Musharraf's principal power base."

That means that much about how Iran and other states acquired nuclear secrets from Pakistan may never become fully clear. However, on Wednesday, US President George W Bush is expected to give a major speech on proliferation. He is expected to include new proposals for dealing with rogue scientists and with countries that have not signed the NPT. Such countries include Pakistan, India and Israel.

Powell is due to travel to Islamabad soon to meet with Musharraf, in an apparent effort to maintain pressure on Islamabad to make sure it curbs the activities of Khan and his associates in the future. No firm date for the trip has yet been announced.

Pakistan's problems not over yet
Khan's transgressions in nuclear proliferation - if his confession is to be believed - are virtually the world's first major case of the wanton spreading of the deadly knowledge and technology of nuclear weapons. Before this, the technology had been restricted to eight states: the United States, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, France, Israel, India and Pakistan.

This case of proliferation is claimed to be no crime, according to Pakistan's statutes, except perhaps the violation of the Official Secrets Act of 1923. Yet Khan's actions must have included the theft of state and government property, as everything that was developed at KRL at Kahuta obviously belonged to the Pakistan state. There is also a breach of implicit trust in the actions, for which presidential pardon has been given. Yet Musharraf has allowed him to go free.

Few foreigners can find Khan's story credible: that a few rogue scientists and security personnel, on their own and for personal gain, stole the nuclear know-how and technology and sold them to the underworld - and no government or official was involved at any stage.

The United States and other powers keen on stopping the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are certainly not amused, but have been restrained in their criticism as Pakistan is an important ally in the "war on terrorism". Here is a proven case of large-scale pilferage and buying and selling of what was the most sought-after knowledge and equipment by what Washington calls rogue states. Had Iran and Libya not succumbed to US and UN pressures on nuclear issues in recent months, Washington promised terrible consequences.

Some parts of the story are true: there was absolutely no financial control over Khan's decisions because he could go anywhere he liked, whenever he chose to, and could spend virtually any amount, including in precious hard currency. As Musharraf has emphasized, security at KRL was under Khan and there was no command or control authority over him. The auditor general was bypassed.

But two other questions need to be asked. First, neither Khan nor Musharraf has so much as mentioned North Korea. Was any nuclear equipment sold to Pyongyang? If so, when? Second, how could the Pakistani army not have known what was going on right under its nose?

The army runs a tight ship - its grip on all aspects of life in Pakistan is uniformly firm. It does not rely on only one intelligence agency: it has two of its own and controls and runs several of the normal governmental apparatuses. Nothing moves in Pakistan without the three major intelligence agencies noticing it. So how could the army not know about the transfer of nuclear technology?

For Pakistanis, it is too serious a national lapse to worry about who gets the ultimate blame. After all, the ultimate consequences will be visited on all the people. No one can buy the facile theory that a few individuals organized or joined an underworld, spread over four continents, to make money out of Pakistan's perceived great achievement.

Foreigners and Pakistanis alike are sure to suspect that Khan had the active support and assistance of successive army chiefs, especially General Aslam Beg, who led the army from 1988-91 and during whose reign this grand smuggling enterprise began.

As it happens, as mentioned, Musharraf is precious to the US "war on terror". Washington has accepted the story at face value for the time being. Other major nuclear powers have reasons not to raise a rumpus. Musharraf is also trying to make up with India, and the Indians are reasonably pleased with him.

But that does not mean Khan and company have gotten away safely. For one thing, Musharraf is taking his time with the rest of the scientists and security men now in jail. For another, it is only the beginning of a new and perhaps longer story.

Most Pakistanis expect that once Musharraf's utility for stabilizing the Afghan situation in its low-intensity war is over, Pakistan may see a new US face on this issue. The kind of activity that has gone on in Pakistan is sure to receive a close hard look from the White House, no matter who its tenant is. Many others, too, will then join the United States in reopening the case. Maybe the army's overlordship of Pakistan's governance will be imperiled on pain of the threat of UN sanctions.

Immediate reaction to the disgrace of Khan was manifest the day after his "admission": there was a countrywide strike in Pakistan. Bigger businesses remained shut and road transport in urban areas remained sparse. The reason for the success of the strike was the people's shock and not so much because of the popularity of those who gave the call - the alliance of religious parties. Musharraf himself has called Khan his hero and praised his earlier contribution to national security.

In domestic politics, the whole affair is a setback to the big pro-bomb lobby. Some say they do not believe the charges against the "national hero" despite the reports of Khan's corruption in possessing huge real-estate assets and foreign accounts bulging with millions of dollars.

But Khan's charisma and stature are sure to suffer as time passes and the dimensions of what has happened and what might yet happen sink in. The small anti-bomb lobby believes that so long as the nuclear weapons stay in the armories of India and Pakistan, the secondary threat of proliferation and accident remain.

They are not too hopeful about the current thaw between India and Pakistan because of the mischief the nuclear-weapons issue plays. Only a nuclear-safe arrangement - an oxymoron really in South Asia's current state - is on the agenda.

(Asia Times Online, with additional reporting by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Inter Press Service)
 
Feb 11, 2004



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