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South Asia

Powell pleased, India perplexed
By Sultan Shahin

NEW DELHI - US Secretary of State Colin Powell couldn't help but be impressed during his just-concluded South Asia visit with the positive result of his efforts in the past two years to further peace between two nuclear neighbors, India and Pakistan. There is an extraordinary atmosphere of goodwill in the subcontinent with the resumption of official-level dialogue and confidence-building measures such as the resumption of travel, transport and, above all, cricketing ties.

But when the time came for the United States to distribute rewards for good behavior, India received a bit of a shock. Before Powell's visit, speculation in Delhi was about what rewards India - the peacemaker and responsible nuclear power - would be granted and what punishment Pakistan would receive for its mischief after the revelation that it had been proliferating weapons technology to so-called rogue nation Libya and the remaining members of the US-designated "axis of evil" - Iran and North Korea.

This isn't the way things panned out. It was the bad boy on the block who was rewarded, perhaps understandably so from the US point of view. After all, it is harder for the bad boys to reform. Pakistan has taken measures to stop infiltration of terrorists from its side of the Line of Control (LOC) that separates the Indian and Pakistani state of Jammu and Kashmir, promised to stop the nuclear-proliferation activities of its scientists. and is fighting the Taliban and al-Qaeda remnants within its borders.

But though Powell is mumbling a lot of sweet nothings, India is deeply disappointed. Instead of receiving a sharp rap on the knuckles, and a very well-deserved one too, the Pakistan military has been designated a major non-NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) military ally of the United States for the purpose of future military-to-military relations, facilitating its acquisition of military hardware and other goodies that were not available to Pakistan before. It will enhance military cooperation between the two countries dramatically. The tangible military benefits will include priority delivery of the US military's "excess defense articles".

Powell has assured India, however, that no decision had yet been made on selling F-16 aircraft to Pakistan. He has also said that the US is considering a similar relationship with India too.

Of course, India is rattled. Pakistan, though always a major non-NATO ally of the US, has now formally become part of a privileged group of countries that includes Australia, New Zealand, Israel, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Egypt and Argentina.

The timing of the move is very bad from the point of view of India's ruling party. One of the main planks in its re-election bid is the success it claims to have achieved in building close strategic ties with the United States. The special relationship with the sole superpower was an important part of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's "feel good" electoral package. The opposition will inevitably use this slight by the US to highlight the hollowness of the Indian government's claims.

To be fair, the United States is willing to reward India in a variety of ways as well. Washington has expressed a desire for India to participate in its controversial Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and is beginning official-level discussions on how the Indian navy and air force can contribute to the US-led non-proliferation coalition established to stop "suspect" shipping on the high seas. The US is also trying to encourage Pakistan to bring about a permanent end to "cross-border violence" in Kashmir.

But the United States is also asking India to open up its markets further and outsource some of its services to the US, if it wants to continue to benefit from the outsourcing of US jobs to India. India's hopes that US President George W Bush's "Next Steps in the Strategic Partnership with India" would lead to easier access to US high technology have also been dashed. A senior US official stated recently that India would receive no substantial technology unless the US was satisfied that India had tightened export controls. The US had placed severe restrictions on the transfer of dual-use technologies, which have both civilian and military applications, to India after its 1974 nuclear tests.

Powell and the peace process
The first hiccup on the hitherto smooth peace process between India and Pakistan took place just a couple of days before Powell's visit. Vajpayee, who is seeking re-election nine months before it was due, was hoping to cash in on the peace process, which is immensely popular in the country - particularly among its 150 million Muslim population. The ruling Hindu fundamentalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is for the first time appealing for Muslim votes on the same ground.

But Pakistani President General General Pervez Musharraf once again emphasized the importance of Kashmir while addressing Indian strategic intellectuals through satellite. In his prepared speech last Saturday for an international conference organized by India Today magazine in New Delhi, Musharraf was more than explicit in restating his country's traditional position on Kashmir. In fact, the Pakistani president referred to Kashmir as the central issue of Indo-Pakistani relations a half-dozen times.

Musharraf also indicated that confidence-building measures would be held hostage depending on the progress of Kashmir, as recently happened in the case of official-level talks on resuming transport links between the Indian state of Rajasthan and the Pakistani state of Sindh. He made a thinly veiled call for the United States to broker a Kashmir solution if it really wants to dampen the fires of Islamic militancy. He even indirectly raised the United Nations plebiscite bogy, though he had himself discounted the possibility only a few months ago on the eve of the summit meeting of the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation held in Islamabad.

This is certainly not the first time Musharraf has changed his tune. Some observers have, however, blamed "provocative questioning" on the part of Indian strategic thinkers for his "combative demeanor". He is known to behave more like the trained commando that he essentially is than like a diplomat when under pressure. Indians wanted him to clarify his stand on Kashmir. He felt that Indians were implying that he was unnecessarily raising the Kashmir issue and, if so, they were divorced from the reality on the ground. Even if he himself wanted to, he said, he could not change the fact that Kashmir was the main dispute between India and Pakistan.

Musharraf may have wanted to pass a message to the United States as well. He may have wanted both India and the US not to be beguiled by the largely successful progress of peace talks and the general atmosphere of extraordinary bonhomie on the subcontinent with growing people-to-people contacts. The gentlemanly cricketing behavior of spectators of both the Karachi and Peshawar one-day matches has indeed earned a large measure of goodwill for Pakistan in India. Indian cricketers too appear to have won the hearts of Pakistani cricket fans, as per the advice of the Indian prime minister, who had specifically asked them to win not only matches but also Pakistani hearts. But Musharraf apparently doesn't want anyone to become too mesmerized by the goodwill generated by recent events and forget about Kashmir.

Not that anyone in India is enthralled by the peace atmospherics or Musharraf's promises. Indian forces are on alert as melting snow on the LOC eases the possibility of militant infiltration. Security officials in Jammu and Kashmir have constantly remained doubtful about Pakistan's commitment to completely end infiltration.

A senior army intelligence official told Asia Times Online that the real test of the promise of peace begins now that melting snow has opened up new routes for terrorist groups to replenish and reinforce their cadre in the state. Only two terrorists infiltrated in the month of February, but the figure was the same last year too, he said.

He was also hopeful, however, because infiltration would have begun picking up from the beginning of March in the absence of any peace initiative as had happened last year. The army did detect two simultaneous infiltration attempts on the night of March 3. Three of four terrorists who had come across from the Poonch district were killed, while one escaped. The forces recovered two AK rifles, currency and three cameras. The second attempt took place in Rajouri district near Thana Mandi. The security forces killed both terrorists belonging to the Lashkar-e-Taiba. Two AK rifles, currency, medicines and a radio set were recovered.

Only three groups were detected while attempting to enter the state from Pakistan until Monday, and eight militants belonging to them were killed. Two militants of a group trying to leave Kashmir and return to Pakistan were also intercepted and killed while trying to cross the border. Only if infiltration does indeed remain down in the coming weeks compared with previous years, one may be able to conclude that the Pakistani government is keeping its word. So far the prognostication is not bad.

From the remarks made by Powell, it is clear that the US too is watching the situation very carefully. Powell said in Delhi he would speak to Musharraf about taking action against terrorist camps. The dismantling of terrorist infrastructure from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir is a long-standing Indian demand. On whether Pakistan had taken steps to dismantle terrorist training camps, he said one of the "essential elements" of the recent agreement between India and Pakistan was an end to cross-border violence. Saying he was "pleased" that activity across the LOC had come down significantly, Powell added that he hoped it would stay that way. "We, of course, will be watching as the spring season approaches," he said, aware of Indian concerns about renewed infiltration once the snows melt.

Addressing a joint press conference with Indian External Affairs Minister Yashwant Sinha, Powell said he would also speak to Musharraf about "any involvement" of past Pakistani governments in nuclear proliferation, or anything "contemporary" in nature relating to what Washington refers to as the "A Q Khan network". Asked whether his comment that no decision had been made on selling F-16s to Pakistan reflected a shift in the Bush administration's position, Powell said: "My comment over here was that we have to take into consideration any requests that are made of us; but no decisions have been made with respect to any particular military package, especially F-16s." He said last year's US$3 billion economic aid package for Pakistan did not include F-16s.

Another area of major concern for India was what the US was doing to ensure that Pakistan was not able to continue its nuclear-proliferation activities. About the "role" of the Pakistani government in nuclear proliferation, Powell said: "We certainly know the role played by Dr [Abdul Qadeer] Khan for some time now ... We are pleased that Dr Khan has acknowledged what he has done and we are pleased that we are getting a great deal of information from Pakistani authorities as a result of their interrogation of Dr Khan and his associates." He said the "Khan network" was "being broken up", making it clear that more had to be done. "I think we have had a real breakthrough with what Dr Khan has acknowledged and our ability to roll up different parts of the network. We cannot be satisfied till the entire network is gone - branch and root."

Powell said he was confident that if Musharraf was determined to get to the heart of this network, then the residual elements could be dealt with. "With respect to who else was involved ... in past Pakistani governments or anything ... contemporary in nature, I will speak to President Musharraf about this," he said. "There is much more work to be done."

Meanwhile, Powell said he had had a "good discussion" with Sinha on Indian participation in the PSI. Stating that the US wanted India to participate in the security initiative, Powell said officials of the two countries would now discuss the issue. Meanwhile, according to Sinha, there was no discussion on India signing the International Atomic Energy Agency's Additional Protocol to curb nuclear proliferation. It was originally feared that the US would pressure India to sign.

Despite disappointment in India across the board, particularly on account of Pakistan being officially designated a major non-NATO ally of the US, some Indian observers are willing to take a more charitable view. The major newspaper Indian Express, for instance, commented in an editorial written before the announcement about Pakistan's new status: "What we need to remember is that the core interests of India and the US converge across a whole range of issues. But it would be unrealistic to believe that there will be no differences. There is a need, therefore, to ensure that divergences of perceptions, interests and policies between the two countries are also managed in a mature fashion as much as the convergences are taken forward from strength to strength. For example, unsolicited 'advice' from the US State Department on missile testing by India, when actually it was Pakistan that had tested missiles imported clandestinely, is not very helpful. Nor for that matter would equating outsourcing with the omnibus mantra of opening up the economy. In this context, Powell's reassurances to India on outsourcing are most welcome."

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)


Mar 20, 2004



Pakistan as a 'key non-NATO ally' (Mar 20, '04)

India-Pakistan: The risk of roaming
(Mar 19, '04)

South Asia peace process to please Powell (Mar 13, '04)

 

     
         
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