Search Asia Times

Advanced Search

 
South Asia

BOOK REVIEW
Pakistan through Indian eyes
Pakistan in a Changing Strategic Context, edited by Ajay Darshan Behera and Mathew Joseph C

Reviewed by Sudha Ramachandran

BANGALORE - The terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, and the subsequent US "war on terrorism" have dramatically transformed the global strategic environment. Nowhere has its impact been more visible than in Pakistan, where under pressure from Washington, Pakistan was forced to do a U-turn almost overnight on key elements of its foreign policy. This has had significant impact on almost all aspects of Pakistani society, polity and economy.

The US-Pakistan proximity since September 11 is a matter of serious concern to India, a concern that has only deepened with Washington conferring on Pakistan the status of a major non-North Atlantic Treaty Organization ally. Can India dismiss the current bonhomie between the US and Pakistan as just a temporary upswing? Or should Delhi be wary of the deep bonding that is taking place between the two?

Pakistan in a Changing Strategic Context, a collection of essays by various Indian writers from different backgrounds, edited by Ajay Darshan Behera and Mathew Joseph C, seeks answers to these questions. It captures some of the momentous changes that Pakistan has experienced since September 11 and examines in some detail how the global strategic environment is evolving since then, how Pakistan has adapted to these changes, and the impact this has had on its polity and on relations with India, especially with regard to Kashmir.

President General Pervez Musharraf's decision to join the US "war on terrorism" was one fraught with risk. It entailed abandoning the Taliban, a move that was hugely unpopular among a powerful and vocal section of the Pakistani population - the religious right as well as the Inter-Services Intelligence. Yet, as Behera points out in his introductory chapter, "On the Edge of a Metamorphosis", it provided "openings for the resurrection of the Pakistani state". He writes that Musharraf as an individual ruler has been the greatest beneficiary of the decision. Pakistan's fortunes, too, are looking up thanks to US largesse that has bailed out its economy. Pakistan, he points out, has compromised only on its Afghan policy. "Its deterrent capability remains in place. Its Kashmir policy is being reshaped and is not under serious pressure (p 40)."

Since September 11, Pakistan's status has transformed from a "pariah state" to a key ally of the US in the "war against terrorism". However, this is not the first time that Pakistan has experienced a sudden change in fortune. As C Dasgupta, a retired diplomat, points out in his historical overview of Pakistan and the changing global strategic environment, from 1972-79 Pakistan-US relations witnessed a downturn. However, the fall of the Shah of Iran and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 saw Pakistan propelled into a "new and clandestine alliance with the US". "The sudden transformation in its security environment involved both risks and opportunities for Pakistan," argues Dasgupta. "If the arrival of a superpower [the Soviets] to its borders spelled risks for its security, it also offered opportunities for extracting a high price for cooperating with the rival superpower [the Americans] (p 69)."

Among other things, Pakistan was able to secure massive military aid from the US and a tacit understanding that Washington would ignore its nuclear program. While Dasgupta provides details of the military benefits that accrued to Pakistan, he ignores the dividends that accrued to Pakistan on the Kashmir issue.

The current US-Pakistan proximity, too, has brought Pakistan rich dividends. However, Dasgupta is doubtful about the durability of the relationship. "In the new international order, durable ties with the American superpower and other major powers will depend not on membership of alliances or pacts but on economic interdependence, buttressed by close civil society interlinks based on common political, social and cultural values," he writes.

Jasjit Singh, former director of the Institute for Defense Studies and Analyses, disagrees. He writes that Pakistan's importance to the US is likely to increase in the coming years. Pakistan, he points out, offers almost everything the US needs to implement its grand strategy - geographic proximity to Persian Gulf and Central Asian energy resources, a professional military that could deal with contingencies outside, a fragile economy and political system that would be dependent on the US.

The second section of the book examines domestic politics in Pakistan. Keki N Daruwalla writes about the conflicting crosscurrents in the body politic and the national consciousness of Pakistan - an obscurantist version of Islam versus modernism, the clash between a unitary state and federating units, a monolithic Pakistani ideology that conflicts with ethnic aspirations, authoritarianism versus democracy. Unlike Behera who perceives September 11 as having opened up opportunities for Pakistan, Daruwalla sees it as "inconvenient" for Musharraf.

Two essays on the army in Pakistan's power structure are both pessimistic about the future. Sumita Kumar writes that the army is far too entrenched in almost all structures of governance. The prospects of democracy returning to Pakistan are rather bleak, she concludes. Sushant Sareen points out that discipline in the army is under pressure, but any weakening of the army's hold, he argues, will benefit not the liberal forces or civil society but the extreme right wing.

In "Islamization: Ideology and Politics", Mathew Joseph C goes beyond merely describing what happened in Pakistan under Islamization to examining Islamization as a legitimizing tool. "The inter-class appeal of religion, ie Islam allowing the state to cover up its naked exploitation of the people of Pakistan, is an example of how religion is being used as a tool of legitimization and exploitation/oppression in the context of post-colonial societies (p 188)," he points out. He writes that the Islamization of society has enabled the country's ruling elites to keep civil society under check and to achieve strategic objectives in the region to some extent.

Kalim Bahadur, a retired professor from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), explores the rise of the Muttahida-Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) in the October 2002 elections, the reasons for its good showing and the deep divisions in this coalition. Bahadur provides an excellent account of the role that religious parties played in the Pakistan movement. He describes the confrontation between the MMA and Musharraf but points out that this has an "air of a charade in it". In contrast to his relentless efforts to undermine the two liberal parties - the Pakistan People's Party and the Pakistan Muslim League - Musharraf has displayed "surprising weakness" in dealing with the religious leaders, Bahadur writes.

The third section of the book examines Pakistan's policy toward the Kashmir issue in the changed strategic context. S D Muni, professor at JNU, provides an interesting analysis of what the US "war on terrorism" is all about. It is more about "restructuring global strategic relations so as to consolidate and reinforce its hegemonic position in the world order" rather than about fighting terrorism as such, he argues. If it were really about eliminating terrorism then Washington would have targeted such countries as Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. September 11, he writes, has expanded the US strategic presence in South Asia and strengthened US-Pakistan ties. The US factor has emerged in a big way as a restraint on India's Kashmir policy. At the same time, the "proactive" manner in which the US and Israel have been tackling terrorism has encouraged India to consider responding similarly to terrorism it confronts in Kashmir. What is more, Pakistan's credibility and reliability as a supporter of militancy has been eroded in the eyes of the Kashmiri people.

Smruti S Pattanaik is skeptical about Pakistan changing its position on Kashmir. She examines why Kashmir is so central to Pakistan's policy. In addition to its importance as a validation of the two-nation theory, which is Pakistan's founding principle, control over Kashmir is perceived to be essential as the water heads are located here. Pakistan has always feared that India will use its control over the water heads by choking off water supply to Pakistan - a fear Pattanaik dismisses as absurd as it has not happened over the past 50 years.

The fourth section is perhaps the book's weakest link. But for Balraj Puri's article, the contributions lack depth. Puri, a noted analyst and political activist of Jammu and Kashmir, draws attention to several flaws in India's perception of and interaction with Pakistan. India-Pakistan relations swing between euphoria and deep hostility, he writes. "The choice is not between total settlement and no settlement, bhai-bhaism [brother-brotherhood] and eternal enmity, full-scale war and perfect peace." He chides the Indian prime minister for describing the current peace initiative as his last shot to bring peace and if it fails, he would accept defeat and retire. "If we fail, we need not become enemies. The pursuit of peace and friendship is a permanent process and not a one-time gamble," Puri writes.

Several books have been published on Pakistan post-September 11. Pakistan in a Changing Strategic Context stands apart as it examines the country and the challenges it is confronted with not in isolation but in the context of the global strategic environment. Its focus is more on understanding processes and institutions rather than describing incidents.

The contributors are all Indian and to this extent the views articulated might seem one-sided. Certainly, the book would have been richer if analysts from Pakistan had contributed to the discussion. But the book's editors have done a fine job of drawing on the expertise of persons from different backgrounds - political, diplomatic, academic, research, etc. The opinions are therefore not too uniform.

The book is a valuable contribution to our understanding of this country. Academicians, policymakers and journalists would find it an engaging and useful read.

Pakistan in a Changing Strategic Context, edited by Ajay Darshan Behera and Mathew Joseph C. New Delhi: Knowledge World, with Center for Strategic and Regional Studies, University of Jammu, Jammu, 2004. ISBN: 81-87966-25-4. Price US$33, 367 pages.)

Sudha Ramachandran is an independent researcher/writer based in Bangalore, India. She has a doctoral degree from the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. Her areas of interest include terrorism, conflict zones and gender and conflict. Formerly an assistant editor at Deccan Herald (Bangalore) she now teaches at the Asian College of Journalism, Chennai.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)


Aug 14, 2004




Cracking open Pakistan's jihadi core (Aug 12, '04)

The Pakistan problem (Aug 12, '04)

 

     
         
No material from Asia Times Online may be republished in any form without written permission.
Copyright 2003, Asia Times Online, 4305 Far East Finance Centre, 16 Harcourt Rd, Central, Hong Kong