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Filling India's anti-terrorism void
By Sudha Ramachandran

BANGALORE - India has decided to repeal a controversial piece of anti-terrorism legislation, the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA). The move, while welcomed by those who believe the legislation is draconian and were criticizing its misuse, has raised concern over how the government now proposes to tackle the problem of terrorism in the country.

At a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last week, the cabinet decided to promulgate an ordinance to repeal POTA. POTA was India's response to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373, which required all governments to enact specific anti-terrorism legislation. But it was a response too to India's battle against terrorism. The terrorist attack on the Indian parliament in December 2001 added urgency to the effort to enact anti-terrorism legislation.

POTA was controversial from the start. Its provisions, the manner in which it was bulldozed through parliament in the face of opposition, and the way it was implemented proved contentious and deeply polarized the country.

Among its controversial provisions was that it provided for detention of a suspect for up to 180 days without the filing of charges in court. It also allowed law-enforcement agencies to withhold the identity of witnesses.

Under POTA, confessions made to the police could be used as evidence in court, as could communications secretly intercepted and recorded. What is more, POTA required the accused to prove his innocence rather than the prosecution to prove guilt.

As feared by its detractors, POTA was misused. It was used to settle scores with political rivals. In the hands of any government POTA would have been dangerous. In the hands of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a party with an exclusivist ideology and an anti-Muslim agenda, POTA proved deadly. Thirty-two organizations were labeled terrorist and banned under POTA, most of them Muslim. None of the Hindu extremist outfits such as the Bajrang Dal, a fraternal organization of the BJP, which unleashed terror on Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, were banned.

About 280 cases were booked under POTA in Gujarat - all against Muslims. In Jharkhand, about 250 impoverished tribals, allegedly supporters of ultra-left outfits, have been booked under POTA. Like its predecessor, the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) that was enacted by a Congress government in 1985 and allowed to lapse by another Congress government in 1995, POTA is believed to have victimized many innocent people.

The misuse of POTA was an important election plank of the Congress party and its allies in the recent general election. After its victory in the election, the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) promised to repeal POTA. The cabinet decision last week is a fulfillment of that pledge. But repealing POTA was the easy part. Now the government has to come up with an effective legal instrument to tackle terrorism in the country and to also meet the requirements of Security Council Resolution 1373.

POTA's provisions and enforcement might have been flawed, but security analysts insist that it has helped security forces wrest the advantage in the battle against terrorism. It is said to have helped the government act against those financing and channeling funds to terrorist outfits operating in states such as Jammu and Kashmir.

An assessment by the Home Ministry under the previous BJP-led government described POTA as "an effective instrument in tackling the overground support base for the terrorist". There is therefore understandable concern in the country that the repealing of POTA will facilitate the resurgence and revival of terrorist organizations. The BJP has accused the government of going soft on terrorism and compromising on national security. Reacting to claims by critics of POTA that India has other legislation to tackle terrorism effectively, former law minister Arun Jaitley, under whom POTA was enacted, argued that POTA has seven key components unique to an anti-terrorism act. "Terrorism is not defined in any other law. When the assassins of [former prime minister] Rajiv Gandhi were booked under TADA, the act was found to be insufficient.

"The issue of terror funding is another area [not adequately covered by other legislation]. POTA provides for attachment of property acquired through terror funds," he said.

Home Minister Shivraj Patil has dismissed charges that POTA's repeal compromised India's fight against terrorism. He has clarified that the government will soon strengthen the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act passed in 1967. According to Patil, the older law will, on amendment, include such POTA features as the banning of terrorist organizations and their support systems, including funding. In fact, he said, all 32 militant organizations banned under POTA will continue to be declared illegal.

Officials believe that the government is also considering amending the Foreign Exchange Management Act, India's most stringent law dealing with foreign-exchange transactions, to make it even tougher.

Meanwhile, analysts have stressed the need for a clearer definition of terrorism in the proposed legislation. An editorial in the Deccan Herald, for instance, says: "The government should ensure that the new legislation that succeeds POTA should have greater clarity, in order to eliminate the scope for misuse and abuse against innocent citizens. While effective legislation is necessary to combat terrorism, the need to provide justice is equally important for good governance."

The Congress-led UPA government has a tough task ahead. The concerns of the armed forces and the police, which are in the front lines of the battle against terrorism, cannot be ignored. The UPA cannot be seen to be soft on terror, as that will strengthen the BJP's campaign against it. The amended or the new anti-terrorism legislation would therefore need to be stringent. On the other hand, its allies in government are of the view that that "the only use of anti-terrorism legislation is its misuse".

The BJP has announced that in BJP-ruled states such as Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, special laws dealing with crimes relating to terrorism will be enacted. Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi has said that his government has decided to bring in a law to control organized crime and terrorist activities along the lines of the Maharashtra Control of Organized Crime Act (MCOCA), which is in operation in the western state of Maharashtra.

Meanwhile, human-rights groups are demanding the scrapping of legislation such as the Public Security Act and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act used extensively to fight insurgencies in Kashmir and in northeastern India that are more draconian and more misused than POTA.

The UPA's repealing of POTA might have been motivated by concern over its misuse. However, it is hard to dispel the feeling that this has a lot to do with electoral politics and the need to score points against the BJP. If POTA's provisions are being incorporated into other laws, why repeal POTA? Surely POTA's unacceptable details could have been amended. Why have anti-terrorism legislation that is merely old wine in a new bottle, and with a new name? Besides, POTA would have lapsed on its own in October. Why did the government have to repeal it?

It is likely that the UPA wanted to be seen to have acted decisively to do away with POTA. Allowing it to lapse would not have had quite the same impact on the public. State assembly elections are due in Maharashtra next month and the repeal of POTA could draw in Muslim votes for the Congress.

The need for stringent anti-terrorism legislation means that POTA's provision will stay in one form or another. It does seem likely that what emerges from all this debate is the return of POTA - renamed and repackaged.

But ultimately what governments need to wake up to is that anti-terrorism legislation by itself cannot end terrorism. Anti-terrorism legislation might aim at ending the problem of terrorism but often, by victimizing innocent people, it becomes part of the problem. The anger it stokes ends up providing the ideal breeding ground for terrorists.

Sudha Ramachandran is an independent researcher/writer based in Bangalore, India. She has a doctoral degree from the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, in New Delhi. Her areas of interest include terrorism, conflict zones, and gender and conflict. Formerly an assistant editor at the Deccan Herald (Bangalore), she now teaches at the Asian College of Journalism, Chennai.

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Sep 23, 2004



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(Mar 1, '04)

 

     
         
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