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PART 3: The fight for self-determination
 
PART 1: On the road, halfway to Srinagar
PART 2: Just a military exercise ...

MUZZAFARABAD, Pakistan-administered Kashmir - From 1947 to 1965, the Kashmiri liberation movement had only one goal - accession with Pakistan. However, after the 1965 India-Pakistan war, when that goal became tantalizingly close but evaporated when the Pakistani military command decided on a ceasefire, the idea of an independent Kashmir took hold.

However, the situation changed again in 1989 when the Jamaat-i-Islami-run school and college network gave birth to the Hizbul Mujahideen [1] in Indian-administered Kashmir. Its supreme commander, Syed Salahuddin, who is also the leader of all 13 underground guerrilla movements under the umbrella of the United Jihad Council, is committed to the "Kashmir is Pakistan" concept, and he is skeptical about the dialogue process, which he sees as a veiled move to derail the armed struggle.

Over half a century ago [2] when the Kashmir dispute first arose, no one could have thought in their wildest imagination that normally docile Kashmiris would become guerrillas and take on over 700,000 Indian forces.

Yet the people of the land of Sufis, shrines and khankhas (hermits) have proved durable fighters. And in the spiritual Syed family, Syed Mohammad Yousuf Shah was born and became commander of the Mujahideen, going under the name of Syed Salahuddin, although his spiritual family connections are so strong that he is widely known as "Pir Saheb" (spiritual teacher) among all jihadis.

Now in his mid 50s, Salahuddin and his group, the Hizbul Mujahideen, are recognized by India as the sole indigenous movement fighting against Indian forces in the Kashmir Valley. In the past decade, Salahuddin, a master in political science and a poet in the English language, has not only grown into a veteran guerrilla commander, but also an astute politician. His exploits have earned him international publicity.

Standing once again at a crossroad, like the post-1965 ceasefire position, and after September 11, when the future of armed struggle was bleak worldwide (especially as Pakistan did a u-turn and sided with the US in its "war on terror", which meant scaling back support for Kashmiri militancy) Salahuddin was under pressure to "meet halfway somewhere".

But speaking from the Hizbul Mujahideen's headquarters in Muzaffarabad, Salahuddin is firm. "Yes, it is true that in the post 9/11 situation everything changed. A tank firing shells on Palestinians is not a terrorist, but a boy throwing stones at a tank is a terrorist. We know the international situation in not favorable for armed struggle and the US rightly wanted to shut down a 'war theater' in Kashmir. But we want more than the US wants.

"India took advantage of the situation and tried to declare the Kashmiri armed struggle a terrorist movement, but it failed, only because the international community knows that it is an indigenous struggle for the right of self-determination of Kashmiris. We Kashmiris were not familiar with the words of pistols and revolvers when Indian occupation was imposed on us. For several decades we peacefully carried out our struggle for our right of self-determination under UN resolutions.

"You know there were peaceful political demonstrations and rallies all over Kashmir in favor of the right of self-determination in which the attendance was as great as 1.5 million ... but what happened? The political movemen t was quelled with brute force. Kashmiris were forced to live under Indian occupation, that was what led to a situation in which Kashmiris took up arms ... yet we are more willing then anybody else to end the present situation because we are the ones who suffer. Our people are killed every day, they are forced to leave their homes. India is not losing anything. We are the ones who are losing. Therefore we want to resolve the present situation, but it should be the right of self-determination for Kashmiris under UN resolutions which will end the present conflict."
Salahuddin reflects wryly that Pakistan is attempting to resolve the Kashmiri dispute, which proved to the international community that Islamabad did not have any mental blocks in starting the dialogue process, but at the same time Salahuddin termed it "wishful thinking" if Pakistan does this alone.

"India is stubborn and Pakistan is showing flexibility. India does not take Pakistani gestures as goodwill gestures, and sees them as Pakistan's weakness and compulsion. If anyone doubts this, refer to [Indian Prime Minister] Manmohan Singh's statement in which he refused all formulas on Kashmir. At the maximum Indians are interested only in speaking about the Line of Control [3]. To me talking on and on about this is nothing.

"Now [Pakistani] President [General Pervez] Musharraf on the other hand is sincerely trying to take some breakthrough steps, like the unilateral ceasefire along the Line of Control, restoration of flights [between Pakistan and India] but in return what is the Indian response? In violation of all international laws they are fencing the Line of Control. Indian atrocities continue in Kashmir."

Salahuddin generally restricts his arguments to Kashmir, yet he spoke on the US role in the region and feels that it would only be in favor of India.

"Though the US admits that Pakistan is its frontline ally and it could not have defeated the Taliban [in Afghanistan] without Pakistan's help, there are ground realities which suggest that India is the real US strategic partner in the region and for many reasons the US does not want to disintegrate India. It is a countervailing force against China, and the US sees in India its base against China.

"In this situation, the Kashmiri armed struggle is the only leverage which would force India into fruitful dialogue. We support dialogue and look forward to the continuation of shuttle diplomacy between India and Pakistan, but its destination should be the right of self-determination of Kashmiris, not a compromise to end the armed struggle without any results," says Salahuddin.

The Indian approach has all along been for the Mujahideen to give up the armed struggle. "But this is not possible," says Salahuddin. "Our 50 years in dealing with the Indian government suggest that there is no other way except armed struggle which will force India to talk business.

"Similarly, Kashmir is Pakistan's lifeline, all its water sources come from there. It has strategic value as well. The construction of the Bagliar Dam would turn the green fields of [Pakistani] Punjab into a desert. Pakistan should review its strategy with India and talk on ground realities.

"At present, India aims to deviate Pakistan from its principle stance on Kashmir ... and it seems that Pakistan has gradually retreated from its principle stand, that is, the Kashmiris' right of self-determination under UN resolutions. In this situation the Mujahideen only has one stand - we will not accept any other option.

"However, having said that, it is quite understandable and possible that the two countries will proceed on equal terms and reach an agreement that is acceptable to Kashmiris. But the present situation does not give any positive indication that India will change its stubborn position, while Pakistan is showing flexibility. Such unilateral compromise is not acceptable. We would welcome it if the leadership of the two countries talked and agreed on a formula and the Kashmiri leadership approved such a formula.

"Despite all the Indian conspiracies, the liberation movement has proved itself. India has tried to portray us as a fundamentalist movement, but the world community can see that India has had a history of communal violence on the basis of religion since 1947 [27,000 incidents], except in Kashmir, where not a single such incident has happened.

"The few isolated incidents that have happened were carried out by Indian agencies to blame the liberation movement. We execute only Indian touts - most were Muslims - when we have the necessary evidence. Even if the Kashmiri Pandits left Kashmir after the uprising, it was organized by the then governor Jag Mohan to portray the Kashmir dispute as communal. We have proved that our struggle is against Indian occupation, and nothing more than that.

"There is dialogue going on between India and Pakistan. Whatever course this dialogue takes, in 14 years the Kashmiri struggle has raised a new generation of Kashmiris under intense Indian tyranny. This new generation is the theme of the current struggle and will be able to decide the course if any unacceptable solution is imposed on them," says Salahuddin.

Notes
[1] India places a year-long ban on the Hizbul Mujahideen, which it renews annually. However, it has never declared it a terrorist organization. This was the pretext under which the US State Department put the Hizbul Mujahadeen on a "terrorist watch list", and the organization argued that even India - against whom they are fighting - had not declared them a terrorist organization. Pro-Indian Kashmiri leaders such as Mufti Saeed and Farooq Abdullah have admitted that the Hizbul Mujahideen is an indigenous movement and that they are Kashmiris.

[2] The territory of Kashmir was bitterly contested even before India and Pakistan won their independence from Britain in August 1947. Under the partition plan provided by the Indian Independence Act of 1947, Kashmir was free to accede to India or Pakistan. The Maharaja, Hari Singh, wanted to stay independent, but eventually decided to accede to India, signing over key powers to the Indian government - in return for military aid and a promised referendum.

Since then, the territory has been the flashpoint for two of the three India-Pakistan wars: the first in 1947-8, the second in 1965. In 1999, India fought a brief but bitter conflict with Pakistani-backed forces who had infiltrated Indian-controlled territory in the Kargil area.

In addition to the rival claims of Delhi and Islamabad to the territory, there has been a growing and often violent separatist movement against Indian rule in Kashmir since 1989.

Islamabad says that Kashmir should have become part of Pakistan in 1947, because Muslims are in the majority in the region. Pakistan also argues that Kashmiris should be allowed to vote in a referendum on their future, following numerous United Nations resolutions on the issue.

Delhi, however, does not want international debate on the issue, arguing that the Simla Agreement of 1972 provided for a resolution through bilateral talks. India points to the Instrument of Accession signed in October 1947 by the Maharaja, Hari Singh.

Both India and Pakistan reject the option of Kashmir becoming an independent state.

[3] The LoC is a demarcation line established in January 1949 as a ceasefire line, following the end of the first Kashmir war. In July 1972, after a second conflict, the LoC was re-established under the terms of the Simla Agreement, with minor variations on the earlier boundary. The LoC passes through a mountainous region about 5,000 metres high. North of the LoC, the rival forces have been entrenched on the Siachen glacier (more than 6,000 metres high) since 1984 - the highest battlefield in the world. The LoC divides Kashmir on an almost two-to-one basis: Indian-administered Kashmir to the east and south (population about 9 million), which falls into the Indian-controlled state of Jammu and Kashmir; and Pakistani-administered Kashmir to the north and west (population about 3 million), which is labelled by Pakistan as "Azad" (Free) Kashmir. China also controls a small portion of Kashmir.

Syed Saleem Shahzad, Bureau Chief, Pakistan Asia Times Online. He can be reached at saleem_shahzad2002@yahoo.com

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Dec 4, 2004
Asia Times Online Community



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