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Iron grip on the media
By Satish Pandey
KATHMANDU - It was supposed to be the
beginning of a three-day strike called by Nepal's
rebel Maoists. But unlike previous ones, Thursday
began as a normal day - there was the usual
rush-hour traffic, shops and business districts
remained open and even children went off to
schools.
But as one observer noted, this
does not mean that Nepal's 24 million citizens
have finally lost their fear of the Maoists, who
have waged a violent nine-year campaign for a
republican state that has seen more than 11,500
Nepalese die. Neither do they support Tuesday's
bloodless coup and tough emergency rule imposed by
King Gyanendra.
Rather, it is because
tough censorship laws have kept all newspapers,
radio and television stations from reporting
political events, including the Maoist call for
nationwide strikes. "The people have no clue that
today is a bandh [strike day]," said the
observer who declined to give his identity fearing
reprisals. "There is a complete news blackout."
Indeed, since the king assumed total power
by sacking a multiparty government, the most
visible sign of the new regime is the tough
censorship imposed on all media. Not only have
phone, mobile and Internet networks been
disconnected since Tuesday, but also all media
outlets have been given stern warnings not to
report or write anything against the king's
takeover. Additionally, army officers have been
stationed in all newspaper offices and radio
stations - including the national broadcaster - to
keep a watchful eye on the news.
On
February 1, King Gyanendra sacked Prime Minister
Sher Bahadur Deuba's government for the second
time in just over two years and took full control
of state power. The king accused Deuba's
government of failing to conduct parliamentary
elections and being unable to restore peace in the
country.
"We have to get clearance from
the army officer before going to press," an editor
of a respected daily lamented. "It's bad, but what
can we do?"
On Wednesday, King Gyanendra
unveiled a 10-member cabinet under his leadership
and one of the first things the new government did
after being sworn in was to introduce a new law
banning political reports for the next six months.
"There has to be discipline in the media,"
said the new minister for Information and
Communication, Tanka Dhakal, a former functionary
of the discredited Panchayat regime - under the
late King Birendra - that was overthrown by the
pro-democracy movement in 1990.
As a
result, the front pages of newspapers are full of
bland news reports announcing the formation of the
new cabinet, the promises it has made, and
individual interviews with the new ministers.
Reports of the detentions and house arrest
of hundreds of political leaders, activists and
human-rights defenders, including the intimidation
of journalists by security personnel, are
non-existent.
Even the postponement of the
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
(SAARC) summit, which came about after Indian
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh strongly castigated
the royal coup in Nepal, found scant mention.
"I have not seen such censorship in my
life," said a well-known newspaper editor who
survived the 30-year absolute monarchial rule
through the Panchayat regime from 1960-90. "In the
old days, you could at least test the waters by
writing provocatively. But now, we have received
clear warnings not to do anything against the
interests of the current regime," he added.
Some radio stations, unable to cope with
the tough new censorship laws, have pulled their
news programs off the air completely. The only
media outlets doing a semblance of reporting are
the few with international correspondents sent by
newspapers and stations from abroad, that is if
they can find a way to get their stories out.
One frustrated Indian journalist who
landed here on Tuesday night made the mistake of
not bringing a satellite phone. "There is a story
to tell, but no way to tell it. I'm afraid I'll
have to go back to India to write the stories," he
said ruefully.
The clampdown on the media
has brought a sharp rebuke from the Federation of
Nepalese Journalists (FNJ). "This is unacceptable.
This is total censorship. We demand a return to
democratic rule and fundamental freedoms," said
Taranath Dahal, president of the FNJ. But his
statement was not carried by any FNJ-affiliated
media organizations.
The media
intimidation campaign so far has not led to the
arrest of any journalists. But writers are
fearful. "We are lying low right now. There's no
sense in provoking the government for some time.
We'll have to adopt a wait-and-see approach," said
one.
It's not only the press that has
borne the brunt of the new emergency rule.
Human-rights defenders and politicians, who have
been particularly critical of the king in the
past, are equally fearful. Hundreds of them have
been detained or put under house arrest to deter
any opposition. The whereabouts of popular student
leaders Gagan Thapa and Rajendra Rai are unknown
since security forces arrested them on Tuesday.
Sharing a similar fate are human-rights activists
Krishna Pahadi and Sindjunath Pyakurel.
One political worker estimates that as
many as 1,500 people may have been detained or put
under house arrest since the royal takeover.
The Maoists have understandably tried to
use the situation to their advantage, calling on
the beleaguered political parties to join hands in
a united front against the monarchy. In a
statement released on Wednesday, the Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist) leader, Prachanda,
appealed to different parties and groups "to
create a storm of countrywide rebellion".
"We would like to clarify at this juncture
that our party is prepared to establish a broad
front with all those who are against feudal
democracy," said the Maoists.
But not many
news outlets got to carry the message.
Political activists are worried about the
Maoists. "They have consistently used violence
against parties in the past. How can we trust them
now?" asked a senior political leader who is
fortunate enough to be free. "We have to be
careful with them, just as with the palace," added
the leader.
Nonetheless, it cannot be
discounted that the political parties might find a
common platform with the Maoists in the face of an
absolute monarchy. "If the Maoists promise to drop
their violent intimidation campaign, some
political parties may be tempted to join hands
with them. After all, most of them now realize
that an active and unrestrained monarchy is a
bigger threat to democracy," revealed the senior
political leader.
While the will might be
there for mass protests, political parties are in
a very weakened position, with the bulk of their
leaders under arrest and fundamental freedoms
suspended due to emergency rule. "The wings of the
parties have been clipped. But I think they will
slowly find their footing, especially if
international pressure on the king grows," said a
senior journalist.
(Inter Press
Service) |
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