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    South Asia
     Mar 4, 2005
Poverty of reforms in India
By Swati Lodh Kundu

MUMBAI - Liberalization's proponents have been crying themselves hoarse saying reforms have brought down poverty. Recent statistical reports seem to bear out that claim. But reforms also appear to have increased economic disparity within the country as cities have grown richer and the villages poorer, while the economic distance between the rich and poor states has widened even further. Thus, in spite of the statistically lower poverty, when Finance Minister P Chidambaram presented his budget on Monday, his central theme was poverty.

During the period 1973-1990, poverty declined in both rural and urban areas. The headcount ratio (indicating the proportion of population below the poverty line) fell from 56% to 34% in rural areas and from 48% to 33% it urban areas. This declining trend continued through the period after reforms were introduced in 1991-92. In fact, it fell considerably. According to National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) data, between 1977-78 and 1999-2000, the proportion of people living below the poverty line fell from 51.3% to 26.1% in percentage terms and from 328.9 million to 260.3 million in absolute numbers.

But these impressive figures hide the fact that reforms have promoted inequity like never before. The India Development Report (IDR) 2004-05 by the Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research (IGIDR) reveals that the rural per capita expenditure (PCE) per month, which was 158 rupees (US$4) in 1970-1, increased steadily to 213 rupees by 1989-90 and declined sharply by 5% to 202 rupees in 1990-91. During the 1990s, it fluctuated between 202 and 214 rupees. Its annual trend growth rate fell to 1.17% from a high of 1.54% during the period 1970-89. In contrast, the urban growth rate accelerated from 1.45% to about 2.77% during the same period. This indicates that the rural-urban disparity widened considerably during the 1990s. There was no significant change in the urban-rural PCE ratio during 1970-89, but it began to climb steadily at an annual rate of 1.6% since.

This disparity coincided with the widening inequality in urban expenditure distribution. The Ginni coefficient (which measures inequality) of urban consumer expenditure had no trend increase in the 1970-89 period, but increased at an annual rate of 1.4% per annum during 1990s, stated the IDR. The widening inequality is also reflected in the differential growth across urban expenditure groups. The PCE of the top 30% increased at 3.31% per annum while that of the bottom 30% increased by a mere 1.7% annually. On the other hand, rural inequality tended to decline in the 90s. The annual growth rate of per capita expenses of the rural bottom 30% dropped from 1.71% in 1970-89 to 1.19% during 1990-98.

 

Annualized growth rates

Rural

 

Bottom 30%

Middle 40%

Top     30%

All      classes

1970-89

1.71

1.4

1.45

1.54

1990-98

1.19

1.11

1.23

1.18

1990-00

1.49

1.32

1.41

1.4

Urban

 

Bottom 30%

Middle 40%

Top     30%

All      classes

1970-89

1.44

1.5

1.4

1.45

1990-98

1.7

2.27

3.51

2.77

1990-00

1.49

2.11

2.55

2.27

Source: IGIDR


With a considerable proportion of the population depending on agriculture for livelihood, the poor performance of the sector has failed to create lasting employment. The lack of growth in this sector affects poverty in a major way. The pre-reforms period experienced a decline in poverty from 51% in 1977-78 to 39% in 1987-88 and the trend continued in the post-reforms period. Yet the number of people below poverty line is alarming - 193 million in rural and 67 million in urban India.

Not only does the number of poor in India continue to be unacceptably high, the IDR shows that the pattern of poverty has also changed significantly over the decades. The concentration of poor people has been increasing in few geographical locations. The share of rural poverty in the states of Bihar, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh (the ones that are primarily dependant on agriculture), rose from 53% in 1993-1994 to 61% in 1999-2000. The same reduced from 3% to 1% in the more affluent states of Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh over this period. This can be attributed to the slower growth rate in gross state domestic product (GSDP) in the agriculture-dominated states in the post-reforms period.

The annual per capita GSDP growth rate in the state of Punjab increased from 3.05% during the pre-reforms period to 3.18% during the post-reforms period. Similar trend was visible in case of Haryana (3.57% to 3.83%) and Himachal Pradesh (2.88% to 4.93%). On the other hand, the poorer states either stagnated or deteriorated. Bihar's growth rate fell from 1.80% to 1.77%. In the case of Uttar Pradesh, it went down from 2.38% to 2.04%. Orissa and Madhya Pradesh showed only marginal improvement.

The increase in inter-state disparity during the post-reforms period is also reflected in the wider dispersion of the per capita GSDP in the 16 states as compared with the pre-reforms period. While the standard deviation of the per capita GSDP in 1982-83 was around 570 rupees only, it increased substantially to 4,078 rupees by 2000-01. While the per capita GSDP increased by around three times in Bihar in two decades, in case of Punjab, the increase has been more than five times.

This is because the agricultural sector has performed miserably in the post-reforms period. The growth rates of both manufacturing and agricultural sectors in the 1990s were actually lower than that of the pre-reforms period. The average growth rate of the agricultural sector fell from 3.43% during the 80s to 2.7% in the post-reforms period and that of manufacturing sector fell from 7.57% to 5.92%.

The falling growth rate of the agricultural sector resulted in persistently lower contribution of this sector to India's GDP. Ironically, the contribution of the service sector to the total GDP rose by a whopping 10% during the post-reforms, showing the signs of a developed economy. With 70% of the Indian population depending on agriculture, this change in the sectoral contribution to the GDP has obvious long-term adverse ramifications.

Clearly, reforms brought growth, but sacrificed equity. Poor agricultural performance, slowdown in the expansion of rural employment or high GDP growth has neither directly nor indirectly created skilled or semi-skilled jobs, which benefits the poor the most. India's transition from an agrarian economy into a services-dominated one, bypassing industrial growth, has only resulted in the rich growing richer and the poor poorer.

Swati Lodh Kundu has a Masters in Economics from the University of Calcutta.

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