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    South Asia
     Jul 26, 2005
Factoring in Pakistan
By Siddharth Srivastava

NEW DELHI - Apart from other aspects, notably in the nuclear arena, one definitive conclusion can be drawn from the visit of Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to the US: in its foreign policy dealings with South Asia, the US has finally and decisively moved away from bracketing India and Pakistan. Rather, the clubbing is now China and India.

For a long time India has insisted that the US should deal with New Delhi independently of Pakistan. However, Washington, weighed by the exigencies of the Cold War earlier and the "war on terror" post-September 11, has viewed India through the Pakistan prism. A few months back, the US opened its arms supplies to India, with the balancing act of similar equipment, including F-16 fighter planes, being made available to Pakistan.

Matters have changed now. One telling reminder is the refusal by the US to offer Pakistan any kind of nuclear space, after a nuclear deal on energy cooperation was signed between Manmohan and US President George W Bush last week. "There is no reason for us to have a hyphenated strategic framework for South Asia ... And certainly in the case of civil nuclear cooperation, we are going to have individual relationships," Under Secretary of State Nicholas Burns said.

"And, the fact is that India has a record of non-proliferation, which is exceptional; very strong commitment to protection of fissile material, other nuclear materials and nuclear technology; and there is a transparency about India's program, which has been welcomed," he said. Pakistan is predictably miffed with the US stance and has issued a statement saying so.

Another episode is the US's rejection of granting Pakistan Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz the kind of "welcome" that was laid out for Manmohan in the US, including a dinner hosted at the White House and an address to Congress. Aziz has subsequently cancelled his US trip, after Washington informed Islamabad that Aziz was an "elected" prime minister only in a technical sense, and not a real one. The US recognizes President General Pervez Musharraf as the only leader of Pakistan and treats him so when he visits the US. However, the reason ascribed for the US's denial to Aziz is a direct snub to Musharraf, as well as the legislative functioning formulated by the general under which he essentially wields power.

Many observers believe that the US turnabout has got to do more with China than Pakistan. According to noted columnist Indian Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar, "A country that is feared is also respected. Pakistan poses no threat to American jobs, but China does. Americans worry that manufacturing jobs will migrate to China and services jobs to India. So China and India are constantly bracketed together in media and political debates as rising economic powers. This has rubbed off on foreign policy."

Clearly, there has been a change in mindset. The Abdul Qadeer Khan episode rings, including the pardon issued by Musharraf. Khan, the father of Pakistan's nuclear arms program, has admitted to proliferation, notably with North Korea and the US's bugbear, Iran. More recently, Musharraf has been under the close scrutiny of both Britain and the US in the wake of the bomb attacks in London, in which three of the four bombers were of Pakistani origin and had visited Pakistan in the year prior to the attacks. While Musharraf's record of cracking down on extremists involved in sectarian violence in Pakistan has been good, the infrastructure that churns out diehard militants remains more or less intact.

The Times of India comments: "While the US continues to bet on Islamabad to help it ferret out jihadis targeting the West, the Pakistan connection of the London bombers may make the Bush administration realize that it may have overestimated General Musharraf's powers, if not intentions, in rooting out jihadi terror. After all, no one wants to worry about Pakistan's nuclear arsenal landing up in the wrong hands."

Perhaps emboldened by his US visit, Manmohan has also been singing a slightly different tune vis-a-vis Pakistan during and after his US visit. It may be noted that India has experienced a number of attacks in the past few months, especially in the Indian portion of Kashmir. Terrorists also made a bold attempt to storm the makeshift Ram temple at Ayodhya, which could have caused a communal backlash across the country had security forces not thwarted the attempt. The Manmohan government has also been criticized by the opposition as well as its coalition partners of turning India into a soft state.

Manmohan has uttered the strongest words against the ongoing peace process with Pakistan, which he termed "irreversible" this April, even in the face of terrorist attacks. Conscious of world opinion against Pakistan post the London blasts, Singh said in Washington, "I, as prime minister of a democracy, would not be able to go against public opinion if acts of terrorism can't be controlled. It affects my capacity to push forward the process of dialogue with Pakistan."

In an interview with CNN, Manmohan said that he had no doubt that Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda had a significant base in Pakistan. In perhaps his most direct attack on Musharraf, Manmohan said in Washington: "I do trust [Musharraf]. But I think there is an old saying of president [Ronald] Reagan. Trust and verify."

Of particular interest has been Manmohan's statement on the Iran-Pakistan-India gas pipeline, which is opposed by the US, but which has witnessed both New Delhi and Islamabad hold their ground despite the pressure.

Reports in Washington quoted Manmohan, "I am realistic enough to realize that there are many risks considering all the uncertainties of the situation in Iran. I don't know if any international consortium of bankers would underwrite this [the pipeline project]." Manmohan is known for a subtle enunciation of views, but several commentators have read the statement to indicate more delays in the project as India becomes more attuned to US concerns.

The left parties, who lend their support to the government, have criticized Manmohan for his "changed" stand on the pipeline, while Petroleum Minister Mani Shankar Aiyer, who is leading the talks with Iran and Pakistan, has said that the project is on course.

Indeed, all the weekend newspapers in India have discussed in detail the implications of the Manmohan visit, which has been hailed as well as criticized.

Some have accused Manmohan of a sell-out on India's nuclear status, while others have concluded a permanent shift in US foreign policy towards India, which will continue to be reflected in future US administrations.

The broad conclusion is that India will need to separate its dire need for nuclear fuel for civilian purposes from an independent weapons program, which cannot be open to international scrutiny. Apart from a few comments to the contrary, nobody doubts that India will have to increase its nuclear power capacity in the face of depleting fossil fuels and rising international prices of crude oil if it is to emerge as an economic powerhouse.

This can only be possible if India invites nuclear technology and support from abroad. There is also the possibility that countries such as France will remove their nuclear blockages on India in response to the US move, which will only make things better for India.

The peace process with Pakistan, too, cannot be compromised. Despite all that is being said, Musharraf remains the best bet yet. As with the US, India, for the time being, will have to deal with the general.

Siddharth Srivastava is a New Delhi-based journalist.

(Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing.)



Pakistan: United militants, divided leaders (Jul 23, '05)

India, US talk business (Jul 22, '05)

US opens can of nuclear worms (Jul 21, '05)

New Delhi's new diplomacy (Jul 21, '05)

 
 



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