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    South Asia
     Jul 27, 2005
In the name of Allah
By Nadeem Malik

"If Allah assists you, then there is none that can overcome you, and if He forsakes you, who is there then that can assist you after Him? And on Allah should the believers rely." - The Holy Koran 3:160

ISLAMABAD - A day begins with prayers before sunrise at a madrassa (Islamic seminary). Young students sitting cross-legged rock back and forth reciting verses from the Holy Koran. They pledge unity and entreat success for the ummah (the Muslim people).

Near the Khyber Pass, Darul Uloom Haqania is the most prestigious of many such schools in the North West Frontier Province city of Peshawar. Haqania boasts of being the breeding ground of the entire Taliban leadership. Maulana Samiul Haq, with henna beard, is the founding father of this largest South Asian seminary.

There are an estimated 10,000 to 15,000 madrassas across Pakistan. These schools, largely frequented by destitute Afghans and poor Pakistanis, are run by individual charities and rely almost exclusively on donations. During the Afghan jihad days in the 1980s, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf states generously financed them. Some estimates suggest that the CIA also recruited almost 30,000 jihadis from the Middle East to fight against the Soviets, and channeled billions of dollars to run the operation.

The top Pakistani army brass of military ruler General Zia ul-Haq promoted these religious schools, which numbered a mere 1,700 in Pakistan in 1979 at the start of the Afghan war. Afghan refugees from the war-ravaged country sent their young ones to these schools during the jihad days, and even after the Russians withdrew in 1989.

A World Bank "Country Assistance Strategies" report on Pakistan estimated that 15-20% of madrassas are involved in military-related teaching and training. The World Bank maintains that the radicalization process started with their politicization during the 1980s.

"With active support from the Zia regime (1977-88), madaris [madrassas] with extremist administrations were established along the Pakistan-Afghan border," the bank stated. The objective, it said, was to form a cadre of religiously motivated mujahideen to fight in Afghanistan and provide political support to Zia's regime. Degrees from madrassas were made equivalent to degrees obtained from formal universities. This, the bank observed, facilitated recruitment of madrassa students into the civil service, leading to the state's accommodation of activities encouraging religious intolerance and sectarian divisions.

"The contribution of the mujahideen to the Afghan victory, poverty, falling standards of public education, and weak governance, account for much of the success of the madaris in the 1990s," the bank said. Since they provide free board and lodging, they became popular with the parents of poor children.

"Marginalized, the graduates from the non-mainstream madaris [those which do not include formal education curricula] with no career-oriented education resorted to violence to influence the country's policies," the report said. Successive governments have done little to restrain them or bring them into the mainstream education system.

There are conflicting reports on the number of students that go to the religious schools. International organizations, like the International Crisis Group, put the number at somewhere between 1 million and 1.7 million. A detailed of study, "Religious School Enrollment in Pakistan: A Look at the Data", conducted by Jishnu Das of the World Bank, Asim Ijaz Khwaja and Tristan Zajonc of Harvard University and Tahir Andrabi of Pomona College, found Western media reports highly exaggerated in terms of the number of students and religious schools.

It estimated that less than 1% of school-going children in Pakistan go to madrassas, a figure that has remained constant since 2001, according to the study. Some studies point out (Berman and Stepanyan 2003) that as a percentage of total school enrollment, madrassa enrollment in Pakistan is roughly equivalent to that in Bangladesh and the Ivory Coast and much less than in India (two states only) or Indonesia.

The study noted that household data in Pakistan tell whether a child is enrolled full time in a madrassa, but not whether the child goes for just an hour on any given day to study the Koran. Therefore, the data do not reconcile full-time with part-time attendees - a child who attends a public school during the day and a madrassa in the evening is recorded as enrolled in a public school.

This is an important distinction since parents might use some madrassa- or mosque-based education to teach their children about religion. The study indicated that about 200,000 children were enrolled full time in madrassas before 2001.

"Madrassa enrollment declined from 1940 to 1980, but increased during the religion-based resistance to the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviets in 1979. The largest jump in madrassa enrollment is for the cohort aged 10 in the period 1989-93 - coinciding with the withdrawal of the Soviet Union and the rise of the Taliban."

The study noted that "Pakistan's endemic poverty, widespread corruption and often ineffective government create opportunities for Islamist recruitment. Poor education is a particular concern. Millions of families, especially those with little money, send their children to religious schools, or madrassas. Many of these schools are the only opportunity available for an education, but some have been used as incubators for violent extremism. According to a Karachi's police commander, there are 859 madrassas teaching more than 200,000 youngsters in his city alone."

Since September 11, 2001, Pakistan has launched periodic crackdowns against extremist groups, also targeting religious schools. This led to the banning of several armed groups and the arrests of hundreds of activists. In addition, half-hearted efforts were made to reform the madrassa education system.

However, growing pressure after the July 7 blasts in London, where three of the bombers were of Pakistani descent and had visited madrassas in Pakistan, has led to a new and more crucial phase, necessitating reforms with real implementation, like the provision of books, teachers and funds to introduce new curricula.

However, what Pakistan is being asked to do is not easy. Pakistani society has suffered much since offering its support to the US in the "war on terror", as many sections of society resent this.

"Few countries suffered as much from terrorism in 2004 as Pakistan, and few did as much to combat it," says the latest US State Department publication on "Country Reports on Terrorism 2004". The report clearly acknowledges that Pakistan cracked down (in 2004) on several groups that had been active in the Kashmir insurgency, "detaining the head of Harakat ul-Mujahideen (HUM) for several months and arranging the extradition of the head of the Harakat ul-Jihad-I-Islami (HUJI)".

In Pakistan, the US, under its Anti-Terrorist Assistance-trained Special Investigation Group (SIG) arrested members of a terrorist organization that had twice attempted to assassinate President General Pervez Musharraf and which had detonated two car bombs near the US Consulate General in Karachi. The SIG also arrested 12 terrorists involved in the attempted assassination of prime minister-designate Shaukat Aziz.

The State Department report stated that al-Qaeda had declared the government of Pakistan to be one of its main enemies, and called for its overthrow. The government of Pakistan continues to pursue al-Qaeda and its allies through counterterrorist police measures throughout the country and large-scale military operations in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) along the rugged Afghanistan-Pakistan border.

Pakistani army and Frontier Corps units have launched operations against al-Qaeda safe havens in South Waziristan Agency (part of the FATA), killing and dispersing many militants. "These operations significantly degraded al-Qaeda's command and control capabilities in the region, but at a cost of approximately 200 Pakistani servicemen killed in action," the report said.

Information-sharing with the United Kingdom and Pakistan led to the disclosure and disruption of al-Qaeda plans against US financial institutions. In 2004, the capture of so-called al-Qaeda communications expert and Heathrow bomb plot suspect Naeem Noor Khan was seen as a significant development.

A report by United Press International claimed last week that Pakistan had also permitted detectives from Scotland Yard to investigate Naeem Noor Khan to learn about the contacts of the three London suicide bombers who visited Pakistan.

Two of the bombers, Mohammad Sidique Khan and Shehzad Tanweer, flew into the southern city of Karachi together in November 2004. They spent three months in the country before heading back to the UK in February this year. Hasib Hussain arrived in Karachi in July last year.

The vast majority of the religious schools in Pakistan are not involved in militancy. But they represent a failure of the religious scholars, as well as the vested interests of the ruling elite, which constrains these institutions to just basic religious education. They have failed to meet the challenges of a transition to modern education.

A recent working paper released by a leading international financial institution explained the issue. "The elites will oppose mass education because the more educated the population the greater the pressures for democratization, and the greater the threat to the power of these privileged groups. Their monopoly position is dependent on keeping their constituents backward."

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Pakistan: United militants, divided leaders (Jul 23, '05)

Musharraf and his Taliban 'pals' (Jul 19, '05)

 
 



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