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    South Asia
     Nov 9, 2005
India's foreign minister shown the door
By Siddharth Srivastava

NEW DELHI - Saddam Hussein is in jail and facing trial, but the reverberations of his time at the helm in Iraq continue to ring.

It has cost Indian Foreign Minister Natwar Singh his job. Natwar is now designated as a minister without portfolio, with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh taking direct charge of external affairs at a time when New Delhi has begun preparations to host US President George W Bush in a few months, which should add another episode in improved Indo-US relations.

Natwar's removal follows the report by a United Nations-appointed investigation headed by Paul Volcker, the former chair of the US Federal Reserve, which alleges that Natwar Singh was the



beneficiary of illegal money from the Saddam regime.

According to the report, following the removal of UN sanctions that allowed Iraq to sell oil for food meant for humanitarian purposes, the Saddam dispensation set up a web of fictitious companies and charged a commission in exchange for food contracts. The kickbacks amounted to more than US$2 billion paid by thousands of firms around the world. More than a 100 Indian firms, including several prominent ones, have been named as happily acquiescing to Iraqi officials to seal the deals.

Oil contracts were handed at a rebate to people considered to be important in changing world opinion in favor of Baghdad, especially at the UN. Natwar has been named by the Volcker report as a non-contractual beneficiary and was allegedly allotted 4 million barrels of oil that could be sold for a premium. The benefits were supposedly extended when the Congress Party, to which Natwar belongs, was not in power. Although Natwar, his family or the Congress Party stood to benefit less than $1 million, it is a scandal, if true.

Volcker's report is based on material procured after the fall of the Saddam regime, and was released on September 28 and covers a gamut of countries, but it is only in India that a dance of political brinkmanship has resulted, with various vested interests trying to gain mileage. Paradoxically, there are so many names and firms in the report that Volcker has said that he did not know who Natwar was until recently.

Volcker's allegations against the politician are based on documents seized by invading US troops that allegedly say he was personally allotted contracts by the Saddam regime for 2 million barrels of oil while the Congress Party was allocated 4 million barrels.

Surcharges (or kickbacks to the Saddam regime) were allegedly paid by Hamdan Export, a firm owned by Andaleeb Sehgal, a close family friend of Natwar Singh. The Volcker report called both Natwar Singh and the Congress Party as "non-contractual beneficiaries".

The Opposition Bharatiya Janata Party, facing a leadership crisis as well as a dearth of issues to attack the government, has found plenty of fodder prior to the beginning of the winter session of parliament later this month.

In a clever ploy, the left parties, the crucial coalition partner of the Congress-led government, bid to back Natwar in exchange for a promise to support Tehran at the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) meeting later this month. In the September meet of the IAEA, India supported a US-European Union resolution to report Iran to the UN for sanctions due to Tehran's insistence on pursuing an independent nuclear program. The left has been raising a shindig about India ditching old friend Iran due to the "imperialist" dictates of the US.

Sensing trouble, Natwar, who finally made an undignified exit, sullen and screaming, called the Volcker report "bullshit" and a "pack of lies". He responded to the left overture and said India should support Iran at the IAEA, which went against his own government's earlier decision to vote against the country. He even tried to play the Muslim political card that often works in India, saying that New Delhi would never ditch the Shi'ites of Iran. There are more than 25 million Shi'ites in India, though there is hardly any indication that foreign policy has influenced their voting patterns.

However, there were deeper politics at play that ultimately cost Natwar his job. His support base within the Congress quickly subsided, with a list of wannabe foreign ministers eyeing the post. Congress has barely gotten over the stain of the Bofors scandal that broke in the 1980s, in which allegations were made against former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi of receiving payoffs for the gun deal. The courts have finally exonerated Rajiv many years after his death, but he carried the Bofors cross through his career that also cost the Congress Party dearly in elections.

Rajiv's widow, Sonia Gandhi, who heads the Congress Party and is the real power behind the throne, knows that the Volcker report has the potential of another political monster if not nipped in the bud. In a show of defiance, the Congress Party initially declared that it would sue the UN, though it is not clear how this process could be initiated or implemented, given the diplomatic immunity enjoyed by UN officials. Such a suggestion was also considered foolish, given India's quest for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.

Sonia soon ensured action in the form of an independent judicial inquiry and has distanced herself and the party from Natwar, who has been loyal to the Gandhi family for decades. As they say, in politics there are no permanent friends or enemies. Sonia, however, has made certain that the post of foreign minister remains vacant for a possible comeback by Natwar after the inquiry report.

This could take some time, given the tendency of such commissions to extend their tenures in a bid to access perks and privileges of the job, including several international sorties. The Bofors investigations cost the exchequer more than five times the actual alleged pay-off, with generations of bureaucrats and ministers traveling all over the world sniffing for money that was never found.

Nobody doubts that Natwar has had a fair run as foreign minister. Despite learning his diplomatic skills during the Cold War era under the tutelage of his mentor, former prime minister Indira Gandhi and Sonia's late mother-in-law, he tried to shake off the old hang-ups in a new world order prescribed by the US.

He was instrumental in pushing the nuclear deal signed between Manmohan and Bush in July this year, was involved in scouting for energy resources for India and played a crucial role in the India-Pakistan peace process, including the implementation of a soft border between the two nations.

He did botch it up in the end, though, calling the Volcker report a US intelligence plot to get rid of him, given his role in fomenting the non-aligned movement, as well as his proximity to Indira at a time when India was aligned with the former Soviet Union. He has attacked the incumbent regime in Iraq as having "no credibility" and called Saddam a friend of India.

Indeed, Natwar's time was up when the government ordered a judicial inquiry into the allegations, making it untenable for him to be in a position to influence matters. He has been left to fight his own battle. One will have to wait for the investigations to be over to reach a final conclusion. It could mark the end of a long and distinguished career, or the beginning of another chapter.

Siddharth Srivastava is a New Delhi-based journalist.

(Copyright 2005 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us for information on sales, syndication and republishing .)


Oil-for-food payback (Aug 10, '05) 

Oil for food: A hell of a scandal
(Apr 1, '05)

 
 



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