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    South Asia
     Jan 6, 2007
Page 3 of 3
Nepal: Little peace for the peacekeepers
By Dhruba Adhikary

direction. Those who subscribe to this assumption believe that Washington will remove the "terrorist" tag from Nepali Maoists before long.

The path ahead, however, does not look so smooth. As has been indicated by Maoist leaders, they have not given up the revolutionary agenda. What has been changed is the method to reach state power. All recent understandings and agreements, and commitments to engage in competitive politics, are simply



part of the changed strategy to reach power. Top Maoist leader Prachanda himself has publicly made it clear that although his party has agreed to take the course of competitive politics, it does not have faith in the parliamentary system. It is one more clear indicator that once firmly in the saddle, Maoists would start implementing a revolutionary plan of action.

Those who think Maoists have ceased to be a force to be reckoned with do not apprehend their resurgence in foreseeable future. New Delhi appears to be one of them. That is why the Indian leadership is extending goodwill and support so that Maoists quickly become a power-sharing partner in the incumbent coalition.

As one Indian journalist, Shastri Ramachandaran, wrote last week in The Tribune newspaper, India has to be "ever-present on the scene, but not visible; available but not interfering".

It is in this context that some analysts have read media reports that among the persons present at the prime minister's official residence when the draft constitution was being finalized, on the night of December 15, were a couple of men who were not speaking the Nepali language. They were non-Nepalis.

Ironically, like the Indian establishment, Maoists in India too think that their counterparts in Nepal have become a weakened force. But unlike the government in New Delhi, Indian Maoists are of the view that Nepali Maoists have deliberately renounced the revolutionary path in exchange for a share of power in the present multi-party system. In a statement published in Indian newspapers on December 17, the Communist Party of India (Maoist) made a strong appeal to its comrades in Nepal to withdraw from the agreement with the alliance of seven political parties as it would be detrimental to the interests of revolutionary movements in the whole of South Asia. The Indian Maoist spokesman, Azad, also criticized Prachanda for praising the government in New Delhi.

"Prachanda's repeated praise for India's role in bringing about the agreement ... creates illusions among the masses about India rather than preparing them for fighting the Indian expansionists who are keen on skirmishing Nepal in future," Azad has been quoted by an Indian newspaper, The Hindu, as saying. India's aim, according to Azad, is to disarm and isolate Maoists and grab the natural wealth of Nepal, particularly its huge hydro potential. Mohan Bikram Singh, a seasoned leftist leader who was guru to some of the Maoist leaders today, had issued a warning note even earlier. He blamed Nepali Maoists for being selfish and self-centered.

Who then will be the ultimate winner - Nepali Maoists or New Delhi's rulers with unlimited ambitions? In short, it is the rulers who may carry the day. "But trends set by Maoist movements in the region appear irreversible," said Madan Regmi, who heads a non-government organization called the China Study Center.

Azad's observations make it abundantly clear that any bid that New Delhi may make to lure Indian Maoists to a power-sharing scheme, as is being worked out in Nepal, is unlikely to succeed. Indian Maoists are unlikely to jump on the bait.

Dhruba Adhikary, who has been a Dag Hammarskjold fellow, is a Kathmandu-based journalist.

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