Musharraf's headache for the
US By Syed Saleem Shahzad
KARACHI - Little more than a year ago,
policymakers in Washington began to explore ways
to establish a more democratic, civilian system in
Pakistan. This was despite President General
Pervez Musharraf's firm grip on the affairs of
state and despite his serving Washington's
interests as an ally in the "war on terror".
In December 2005, some Central
Intelligence Agency operators were sent to
Pakistan to find possible senior pro-US army
officers who might replace Musharraf as
commander-in-chief of the armed
forces
and to increase contacts with pro-democracy forces
for the establishment of a civilian government.
[1]
The alternative strategy was
considered imperative in Washington in light of
growing unrest in Pakistan's civil society against
the military establishment. This unrest was
breeding radical Islamists, and Washington relied
heavily on strongman Musharraf out of fear that
such radicals might take control of the country if
he were to go.
These efforts came to
nothing, and Musharraf, who has held power since
taking over in a coup in 1999, remained in
control. However, with the Taliban poised for a
massive spring offensive (in part with Pakistan's
support), [2] Washington is once again concerned.
According to a New York Times report, Washington's
frustration at doing business with Musharraf is
matched only by the fear of living without him.
Justice denied Musharraf's
suspension a week ago of the chief justice of the
Supreme Court, Iftikhar Chaudhary, over
allegations of abuse of power have brought matters
to a crisis point.
After a prolonged
political lull in Pakistan, scores of lawyers
blocked the main roads of Islamabad on Tuesday
when Chaudhary appeared for an in camera trial in
front of a judicial council to face Musharraf's
charges. Proceedings were put off until Friday.
Chaudhary's case has proved a catalyst for
anti-Musharraf forces to flex some muscle. Members
of the six-party religious alliance the Muttahida
Majlis-e-Amal, the Pakistan People's Party
Parliamentarians, and the Pakistan Muslim League
(Nawaz) and other opposition leaders took to the
streets. They were accompanied by human-rights
groups and other civil-society organizations.
The police, too, were out in force and
several clashes took place, including in other
parts of the country. Federal Minister of
Information Mohammed Ali Durrani has repeatedly
ruled out imposing a state of emergency, but this
remains a possibility. In many districts of the
country, "Section 144", under which no gatherings
or rallies are allowed, has already been imposed.
In insurgency-torn Balochistan province,
nationalist Pashtun and Balochi elements have
taken full political advantage and joined hands
with lawyers and other groups to stage protests
and strikes.
Former prime minister
Chaudhary Shujaat Hussain, head of the ruling
Pakistan Muslim League, has called the situation
"an internal matter of the military and the
judiciary".
The military establishment
faces the choice of clamping down hard on
opposition or allowing the protests to run their
course.
"There is undoubtedly a political
eruption after a prolonged political lull in the
country, and if it is sustained it could go a long
way. However, there is always a threat from the
establishment that it will make some moves to
divide the politicians and lawyers," commented
retired Lieutenant-General Hamid Gul, a former
head of the Inter-Services Intelligence.
"Musharraf created the situation where a
clash of the military establishment and civil
society seems to be imminent. There is .... anger
among the masses towards the present military
rulers," Gul said.
Militants feed off such
anger, so once again Washington is pondering
whether Musharraf may be more the problem than the
solution.
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