Nepal's monarch awaits his
fate By Damakant Jayshi
KATHMANDU - The republican wind that swept
King Gyanendra from power last year continues to
blow strongly through Nepal.
The king has
been publicly humiliated three times in the past
two weeks. His highly publicized three-day
diamond-jubilee birthday celebration on July 7
fell flat, with the government, top bureaucrats,
even the once loyal Nepali army, and diplomatic
corps staying away.
Some 700 well-wishers
did turn up, most of them loyalists. But it was a
far cry from the days when thousands of people
lined up
outside the palace gates
to salute their king.
The next day, nearly
everyone who had been invited was present at the
traditional bhoto jatra function for the
Rato Machhindranath deity presided over by Prime
Minister Girija Prasad Koirala as head of state.
Until this year the duty had always been the
privilege of the Nepali king.
Last week,
outgoing US Ambassador to Nepal James F Moriarty
appealed to Gyanendra to abdicate if he wished to
save the monarchy. During the pro-democracy
struggle, the US ambassador was openly pro-king.
He had put pressure on Nepal's political parties
to work with Gyanendra although the king had
usurped absolute power in February 2005.
Addressing his last press conference in
Kathmandu on July 13, Moriarty said: "If he wants
to save the institution of monarchy, he has to
take a dramatic step."
This was within
days of Koirala's call for the king to abdicate in
favor of his grandson, who turns five years old on
Monday. Nepal's influential military also supports
the idea as Gyanendra's son, the unpopular Crown
Prince Paras, has a reputation for drunken, angry
behavior.
Only two years ago, with the
army behind him, the king and Nepal's monarchy
seemed invincible.
Now hardly a day passes
without media reports calling for an end to
monarchy. Not all of them are from Maoist
supporters. According to a recent survey, those
who want monarchy in some form - constitutional,
ceremonial, or "reformed" - are currently
outnumbered.
And Nepal's 240-year-old
monarchy has not recovered from the tragic
massacre in the royal palace in June 2001. A
majority of people do not believe the verdict of a
government-appointed probe team that the then-heir
to the throne, Gyanendra's nephew, killed nine
members of his family before shooting himself.
Krishna Khanal, professor of political
science at Tribhuvan University, said the reasons
are very obvious: "Monarchy and democracy can
never go together in Nepal, and our history
post-1950 is proof of that."
Krishna
Pahadi, a respected human-rights defender, minces
no words when it comes to expressing his views on
monarchy. The monarchy has no place at all in new
Nepal, he insisted.
Pahadi, who was named
a prisoner of conscience by the international
human-rights group Amnesty International during
the king's absolute rule, said: "The Parliament,
which has been reinstated on the strength of the
popular movement against monarchy, should set up a
tribunal to try King Gyanendra for his crimes
against the people as the head of the government."
Pahadi argued that this would result in
the king (and his family) either fleeing or being
convicted, and would give Parliament an
opportunity to abolish the monarchy.
The
Nepali army, which privately spoke of holding a
referendum on the monarchy, has now grudgingly
accepted the idea of a Constituent Assembly,
chosen in a free and fair election (without
intimidation by Maoists), deciding the fate of the
institution. A Constituent Assembly election is
scheduled for November 22.
But right-wing
Hindu groups and parties close to the royal palace
insist that only a referendum, if required, can
decide the future of Nepal's monarchy. "Since
there is such a concerted and calculated hate
campaign against monarchy, let us go for a
referendum," said Kamal Thapa, leader of the
pro-palace Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP-Nepal).
However, Pahadi, who is against the idea
of a referendum, calling it a meaningless
exercise, feels that as long as the king remains
unpunished there cannot be a Constituent Assembly
election, "let alone a free and fair one".
"The mood of the nation is for a
democratic republic, and unless the king is
punished for his obvious crimes against people,
this will not be possible. Moreover, he will try
to prevent the Constituent Assembly election," he
warned.
Like Pahadi, Thapa does not
believe that an election of the Constituent
Assembly could be impartial because of threats
from Nepal's powerful Maoists.
The
RPP-Nepal leader has put his weight behind a
"reformed" monarchy. He has argued that it would
serve as a cushion for democracy against the
ultra-left and provide unity and stability in the
country. Significantly, the army, still suspicious
of Maoist intentions, would also be happy to have
a monarchy in some form, according to most
political commentators.
While the debate
on monarchy rages on, all eyes are now on the
Constituent Assembly election. That is, if it is
held as scheduled. Or held at all.
Head
Office: Unit B, 16/F, Li Dong Building, No. 9 Li Yuen Street East,
Central, Hong Kong Thailand Bureau:
11/13 Petchkasem Road, Hua Hin, Prachuab Kirikhan, Thailand 77110
