COMMENT Stop getting mad, America. Get smart
By Richard Armitage and Joseph Nye
The world is dissatisfied with American leadership. Shocked and frightened
after September 11, 2001, we put forward an angry face to the globe, not one
that reflected the more traditional American values of hope and optimism,
tolerance and opportunity.
This fearful approach has hurt the United States' ability to bring allies to
its cause, but it is not too late to change. The nation should embrace a
smarter strategy that blends our "hard" and "soft" power - our ability to
attract and persuade, as well as our ability to use economic and military
might. Whether it is ending
the crisis in Pakistan, winning the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, deterring
Iran's and North Korea's nuclear ambitions, managing China's rise or improving
the lives of those left behind by globalization, the US needs a broader, more
balanced approach.
Lest anyone think that this approach is weak or naive, remember that Defense
Secretary Robert Gates used a major speech on November 26 "to make the case for
strengthening our capacity to use 'soft' power and for better integrating it
with 'hard' power". We - one Republican, one Democrat - have devoted our lives
to promoting American pre-eminence as a force for good in the world. But the US
cannot stay on top without strong and willing allies and partners. Over the
past six years, too many people have confused sharing the burden with
relinquishing power. In fact, when we let others help, we are extending US
influence, not diminishing it.
Since September 11, the war on terrorism has shaped this isolating outlook,
becoming the central focus of US engagement with the world. The threat from
terrorists with global reach is likely to be with us for decades. But unless
they have weapons of mass destruction, groups such as al-Qaeda pose no
existential threat to the US - unlike our old foes Nazi Germany and the Soviet
Union.
In fact, al-Qaeda and its ilk hope to defeat us by using our own strength
against us. They hope that we will blunder, overreact and turn world opinion
against us. This is a deliberately set trap, and one whose grave strategic
consequences extend far beyond the costs this nation would suffer from any
small-scale terrorist attack, no matter how individually tragic and
collectively painful. We cannot return to a nearsighted pre-September 11
mindset that underestimated the al-Qaeda threat, but neither can we remain
stuck in a narrow post-September 11 mindset that alienates much of the world.
More broadly, when our words do not match our actions, we demean our character
and moral standing. We cannot lecture others about democracy while we back
dictators. We cannot denounce torture and waterboarding in other countries and
condone it at home. We cannot allow Cuba's Guantanamo Bay or Iraq's Abu Ghraib
to become the symbols of American power.
The United States has long been the big kid on the block, and it will probably
remain so for years to come. But its staying power has a great deal to do with
whether it is perceived as a bully or a friend. States and non-state actors can
better address today's challenges when they can draw in allies; those who
alienate potential friends stand at greater risk.
The past six years have demonstrated that hard power alone cannot secure the
nation's long-term goals. The US military remains the best in the world, even
after having been worn down from years of war. We will have to invest in people
and materiel to maintain current levels of readiness; as a percentage of gross
domestic product, US defense spending is actually well below Cold War levels.
But an extra dollar spent on hard power will not necessarily bring an extra
dollar's worth of security.
After all, security threats are no longer simply military threats. China is
building two coal-fired power plants each week. US hard power will do little to
curb this trend, but US-developed technology can make Chinese coal cleaner,
which helps the environment and opens new markets for American industry.
In a changing world, the US should become a smarter power by once again
investing in the global good - by providing things that people and governments
want but cannot attain without US leadership. By complementing US military and
economic strength with greater investments in soft power, Washington can build
the framework to tackle tough global challenges. We call this smart power.
Smart power is not about getting the world to like us. It is about developing a
strategy that balances our hard (coercive) power with our soft (attractive)
power. During the Cold War, the US deterred Soviet aggression through
investments in hard power. But as Gates noted late last month, US leaders also
realized that "the nature of the conflict required us to develop key
capabilities and institutions - many of them non-military". So the US used its
soft power to rebuild Europe and Japan and to establish the norms and
institutions that became the core of the international order for the past
half-century. The Cold War ended under a barrage of hammers on the Berlin Wall
rather than a barrage of artillery across the Fulda Gap precisely because of
this integrated approach.
Specifically, the United States should renew its focus on five critical areas:
We should reinvigorate the alliances, partnerships and institutions that allow
us to address numerous hazards at once without having to build a consensus from
scratch to respond to every new challenge.
We should create a Cabinet-level voice for global development to help
Washington develop a more unified and integrated aid program that aligns US
interests with the aspirations of people worldwide, starting with global
health.
We should reinvest in public diplomacy within the government and establish a
nonprofit institution outside of it to build people-to-people ties, including
doubling the annual appropriation to the Fulbright program.
We should sustain our engagement with the global economy by negotiating a "free
trade core" of countries in the World Trade Organization willing to move
directly to free trade on a global basis, and expand the benefits of free trade
to include those left behind at home and abroad.
We should take the lead in addressing climate change and energy insecurity by
investing more in technology and innovation.
Leadership requires more than vision. It requires execution and accountability,
two features in short supply in government today.
Throughout the Cold War, the US projected an image of vast technical
competence: We sent humans to the moon and helped eradicate smallpox. Later,
the nation's military victories in Kuwait in 1991 and Kosovo in 1999
demonstrated its towering technical proficiency. But today, the US projects a
very different image. The country's tragically inadequate response to Hurricane
Katrina, difficulty in restoring basic services in Iraq and inability to
address looming domestic issues such as health care, immigration and the cost
of entitlements have made it appear that the US can no longer solve tough
problems. Some people abroad have always questioned US policy. Today, many are
questioning our basic competence.
Smart power could start to change that, but it will not solve all of the
nation's problems. Its lasting value is that it may help persuade others to
join the US cause. Do not underestimate the importance of having Iran finally
hear in stereophonic sound that it must desist from pursuing a nuclear weapons
program; given the latest National Intelligence Estimate, it might have
actually worked. And do not underestimate the goodwill that a sustained effort
to eradicate disease could bring.
Consider the current crisis in Pakistan. The US might be in a better position
today had it not walked away from Pakistan in the 1990s and if, as the 9-11
Commission suggested, it had broadened its engagement beyond military
cooperation with and support of President Pervez Musharraf over the past six
years. Instead, US favorability ratings are below 20% in Pakistan. The US-led
war on terrorism is widely seen by Pakistanis as a war on Islam, and American
support now tarnishes Pakistani leaders who share US objectives.
And yet, for a brief period in late 2005 and early 2006, US favorability
ratings approached 50% in Pakistan. Why? Because of the US military's effective
and principled response to the October 2005 earthquake there, the largest and
longest relief effort in US military history. It showed Pakistanis US
commitment and friendship and provided an important source of smart power. It
demonstrated, however briefly, that America's standing in the world can indeed
be restored.
Now, a year before the US presidential elections, candidates from both parties
can present a more optimistic vision that balances Americans' desire for
protection at home with wiser policies abroad. It would simply be the smart
thing to do.
Richard L Armitage was deputy secretary of state from 2001 to 2005. Joseph
S Nye Jr, a former assistant secretary of defense, teaches political
science at Harvard. They co-chaired the Center for Strategic and International
Studies' Commission on Smart Power.
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