It was an alliance between the Left Front, a coalition of four political
parties, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government
following India's 14th general election in 2004 that brought the left onto the
nation's political stage.
While it did not join the government, the Left Front - led by the Communist
Party of India (Marxist) CPI(M) - played a pivotal role in formulating the
government's policy agenda. This was highlighted in the Common Minimum Program,
which pledged to focus on the aam admi (common man) through poverty
alleviation and sustainable development projects.
However, the Left Front's outdated anti-Western world view has since crippled
its cause and undermined its support, resulting in
accusations that it is out of touch with reality and is working against India's
national interests.
India's current leftist parties are trapped in the era of Nehruvian socialism
at home, and non-alignment abroad. This has resulted in policies that are an
impediment to foreign investment and averse to a rapprochement with the United
States. The most notable instance of this was the opposition to the United
States-India nuclear agreement, which culminated in the Left Front's withdrawal
of support for the UPA in July 2008 and consequently a vote of confidence which
the UPA only narrowly survived.
The Left Front's anti-globalization, anti-Western and anti-privatization
platform may resonate among some voters amid the global economic recession,
which has affected India's economy more than initially anticipated. The Left
Front's dominant role in the "Third Front" coalition and possible re-alliance
with the Congress party could also set the stage for renewed place of influence
in national politics following the general election. The five-stage election,
which is staggered for reasons of logistics and security, is currently in its
penultimate phase with final results expected on May 16.
However, despite a popular backlash towards Washington amid the global economic
downturn, the direction of India's market reforms - which have been underway
since 1991 - is unlikely to be reversed. Also the Left Front's outdated
ideology, internal divisions, and poor performance in local elections in its
traditional strongholds of West Bengal and Kerala has left it in a weakened
position going into this month's general election compared to the last election
in 2004, when it won 59 seats in the Lok Sabha (Lower House of parliament).
In reality, India's current leftist parties are more opportunistic than
ideological. This has been demonstrated by developments in communist-controlled
states, where competing leftist parties have attempted to outdo each other by
burnishing their socialist credentials. This has manifested itself in vocal and
often violent opposition to foreign investment in sensitive sectors such as the
retail industry, and by opposing land acquisition for the development of
special economic zones (SEZs).
This has been most visible in districts in West Bengal, where in Nandigram in
2007, and Singur in 2008, the opposition Trinamool Congress attempted to
undermine the credibility of the ruling CPI(M) by first opposing the transfer
of agricultural land for the development of a SEZ and then for a Tato car
factory for the famed Nano.
Balancing the extreme right and left
Rather than clinging to an outdated world view, India's leftist parties could
maximize their potential by focusing on the two domestic issues that pose the
greatest threat to the country's stability and development - poverty reduction
and the influence of religious extremist groups. The latter includes left-wing
militant groups such as the Naxalites, right-wing Hindu extremist groups,
ethno-nationalist groups and emerging home-grown Islamic extremist groups.
Some 60% of India's population continues to depend on agriculture for its
livelihood, yet the sector accounts for only one-fifth of India's gross
domestic product. This demonstrates the continued importance of land reform and
redistribution, rural education, healthcare and other infrastructure issues at
the village level. It also highlights the importance of ensuring that India's
rapid economic growth remains inclusive and sustainable for its largely rural
population.
The significance of these issues were demonstrated by the backlash to the
"India Shining" motto of the previous Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National
Democratic Alliance (NDA) government. This government's focus on economic
liberalization at the cost of rural development paved the way for the NDA's
defeat and the unexpected victory of the UPA in 2004.
The left has the ideological credentials to address these issues and ensure
that they are not hijacked by more radical left-wing groups such as the
Naxalite insurgency. The four-decade Naxalite insurgency, which affects 231
districts across 20 states or some 35% of India's population, threatens to
undermine the authority of state and central governments through the creation
of parallel "people's governments" within so-called "compact revolutionary
zones". In these zones the rebels practice land re-distribution, operate
people's courts, and raise funds through extortion.
On the other side of the ideological spectrum, the left in pursuing its
non-communal agenda is well-placed to more objectively tackle outdated social
practices that fuel caste, tribal, and religious discrimination, which has
fueled the rise of Hindu, Muslim and ethnic extremism in recent years.
Despite weakened support for the BJP's "Hindutva" ideology, India has been
experiencing a resurgence in communal tensions in recent years. This was
demonstrated in the violence against India's Christian minority in Orissa and
Karnataka states last year.
More recently, the alleged "hate" speech by Varun Gandhi, the nephew of
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, heightened communal tensions ahead of the general
elections. Terrorist attacks in the Muslim-majority areas of Malegaon in
Maharashtra and Modasa in Gujarat in September 2008 also demonstrated the rise
of Hindu militant groups such as the Bajrang Dal and Abhinav Bharat.
Militant ethnic groups with nationalist leanings have also been gaining
influence as the country's economic slowdown fuels a backlash against migrant
labor. This has been most visibly demonstrated in Mumbai where radical ethnic
Maharashtrian groups such as the Shiv Sena and Maharashtra Navirman Sena have
incited attacks on migrant labor from the north Indian states of Uttar Pradesh
and Bihar.
Finally, a string of terrorist attacks across major cities in India in 2008,
including Jaipur (May), Bangalore (July), Ahmadabad (July), New Delhi
(September), and Mumbai (November), illustrated the growing threat of
home-grown Islamic extremism in India under the banner of such groups as the
Indian Mujahedeen and Students Islamic Movement of India. While these attacks
have so far failed to ignite communal tensions, future high-profile attacks may
spark levels of Hindu-Muslim violence that were last seen in Gujarat in 2002
and Mumbai in 1992 and 1993.
Catalyst for strengthening national identity
It may seem contradictory to call for the left to gain a prominent role in a
country as steeped in religion, culture, folklore and superstition as India.
However, two of India's core problems - income inequality and religious
extremism - can only be solved by embracing the left.
The left has the potential to quell these tensions by focusing on issues rather
than identities. By doing so, the left can also be a catalyst for strengthening
India's national identity by transcending caste, religious, linguistic and
ethnic affiliation. This could help India achieve the true vision of a secular
state that the country's founding fathers envisioned.
Failing this, India risks following in the footsteps of its neighbors, where
ethnic tensions (Tamil separatism in Sri Lanka, Baloch and Pashtun nationalism
in Pakistan, and the Madhesi movement in the southern Terai region of Nepal),
sectarian violence (Sunni-Shi'ite violence in Pakistan) and religious extremism
(Pakistan, Bangladesh) are a severe threat to stability.
India's ability to prove the political pundits wrong by remaining a cohesive
state despite its diversity has been helped by the safety valve of its
democratic framework, which has devolved power to the state and local levels.
However, for this model to be sustainable amid the pressures of the global
economic downturn and the growth and proliferation of terrorism, will require
solutions to the twin challenges of income inequality and religious extremism.
Rather than undergoing a Maoist-style cultural revolution or shunning foreign
investment, India needs to undergo its own unique leftist revolution where
religion, culture and history are embraced rather than abandoned (but cleansed
of their divisive, destabilizing influences). Foreign investment should be
encouraged but also channeled into employment-generating and sustainable
development sectors, and growth could start at the village-level and be aimed
at promoting equality without undermining efficiency and innovation.
Chietigj Bajpaee is an Asia analyst. The views expressed here are his
own. He can be reached at cbajpaee@hotmail.com.
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