NEW DELHI - More than six decades after India won its independence, the ruling
Congress party establishment has suddenly woken up to the importance of
egalitarianism and a democratic ethos across its rank and file. In a surprise
move, the party has decreed that its leaders will henceforth eschew all feudal
titles, like Raja, Maharaj, Maharani, Rajkumari, Rani, Nawab and Begum, in a
move towards greater social inclusiveness and class equity.
Stating that there's no place for such feudal titles in a "democracy like
India", a recent party circular directed cadres not to address leaders with
honorifics. Royal titles will also be deleted from the party's records.
Insiders admit that the directive to shun royal appendages has
come from the party's top echelons because it dovetails with its projection of
itself as the "common man's party", a theme which has been central to its
campaign to reach out to the people.
So what if the order has come four decades after erstwhile prime minister
Indira Gandhi - Congress leader Sonia Gandhi's mother-in-law - abolished privy
purses in the late 1960s? According to article 363a of the constitution, the
powers and titles of the rulers of the native states have already been
discontinued along with the privy purses.
However, despite the official and constitutional disbanding of privy purses,
their lingering and pervasive feudal influence continues to dominate Indian
polity. As does addressing royalty and even their distant relatives with
ego-inflating titles.
Most members of India's erstwhile royal families still prefer to be addressed
by their royal titles. Many heads of former royalty have no compunction in
continuing to use their titles in their official correspondence either.
Recently, an official communication from the office of Minister of State of
External Affairs Preneet Kaur referred to the Congress MP from Patiala as "maharani
sahiba". Her husband, former chief minister Amarinder Singh, is
addressed as a "maharaja" (king). Similarly, Congress general secretary
Digvijay Singh is "raja sahib" while former Himachal Pradesh chief minister
Virbhadra Singh is "Raja Virbhadra Singh".
Royal lineage and the Congress have proved to be inextricable over the years.
India's disgraced erstwhile external affairs minister, who had to relinquish
his post because his son was embroiled in a scandal, is still “Kunwar” Natwar
Singh. Next generation leaders like Jyotiraditya Scindia - a Stanford
University alumnus - may not use a royal title, but he is addressed as
“maharaja” by the people of his constituency, Guna, in Madhya Pradesh.
While royals have thrived under Congress patronage, the party has benefited
from these scions. Vote banks are easy to capture and it is far easier to
orchestrate the official state machinery if a "royal" heads it rather than a
commoner.
The Congress' move to abolish titles will thus impact people like Rajkumari
Ratna Singh, who emerged victorious from Pratapgarh in Uttar Pradesh, Kunwar
RPN Singh, a member of parliament from Kushinagar, Begum Noor Bano who was
trounced by actor Jaya Prada in Rampur and Rao Inderjit Singh, the Congress MP
from Gurgaon, Haryana.
Political observers feel the Congress' decision is an attempt to cast itself
differently from the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Last year, the
Rajasthan government issued an advisory to people to shun using royal titles
such as "maharani" - a term used prolifically for an erstwhile BJP chief
minister from the state of Vasundhara Raje.
Party insiders feel that Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi may have had a
big role to play in issuing the directive. The Gandhi scion is aware that in
the current Lok Sabha (Lower House) the Congress has the highest number of
erstwhile royals on its roster. So to bring about a palpable shift from its
feudalistic moorings - ones that permeate Indian society at all levels right
from party posts dominated by royal houses to the landed zamindar class
- he thought of this savvy move.
This is indeed ironic as despite being the world's largest democracy, India has
still not been able to sever the hierarchical ties that lie at the root of its
politics and administrative setups. In a bid to rejuvenate the century-old
party, Rahul has been trying to usher in changes that will make the Congress
more democratic and inclusive.
As a move towards that, the party recently appointed Meira Kumar as the
country's first Dalit (untouchable) Lok Sabha woman speaker. Other
women-centered measures are also on the anvil as well as some to benefit the
backward castes and tribes.
Critics believe the move is nothing but a publicity gimmick and it would have
gone down better if the Congress itself wasn't so steeped in a dynastic culture
and run like a microcosmic monarchy by the Nehru-Gandhi family.
It could be argued that the Gandhi scions - Rahul, Priyanka and Varun - owe
their presence in politics to a lottery of birth. But the masses love the
Gandhis, as demonstrated by the recently concluded national elections. Rahul
won by a landslide in Amethi in Uttar Pradesh while his cousin Varun Gandhi,
who was thrown in jail for his vituperative speeches, too, tasted victory in
Pilibhit.
The trans-generational authority of the Nehru Gandhi dynasty is too entrenched
to be washed away with one party directive. This is a reality not only in India
but across vast swathes of South Asia - Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and
Bangladesh.
Rahul Gandhi knows that he can reap enormous political benefits by speaking the
language of change. It's even better if he can infuse that talk with the
alchemy of inherited lineage and popular mandate. Yet the party is well aware
that "dynasty" is a sword that cuts both ways. Though the Congress may have
woken up to the downside of elitism, its royal leaders do have political
utility due to their lineage and pedigree. This is precisely the reason why
royal appendages survived in the first place, even though privy purses were
disbanded long ago.
However, over time, the Congress party has also realized that the feudal factor
is proving to be more of a liability than an asset. In other words, in keeping
with the party's ongoing perestroika, it feels it is politically prudent to go
with democracy over dynasty.
Neeta Lal is a widely published writer/commentator who contributes to
many reputed national and international print and Internet publications.
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