Sri Lanka split over war honors
By Sudha Ramachandran
BANGALORE - Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa's hopes of easily winning
re-election have taken a blow with plans for a popular armed forces chief to
run against him. The opposition's nomination of a war hero General Sarath
Fonseka, the nation's chief of defense staff, may well split the
Sinhala-Buddhist vote.
The presidential election is not due until November 2011, but there are signs
Rajapaksa may hold them as early as January next year, to take advantage of a
high-level of public support. The Sri Lankan army's defeat in May of the
separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended the three-decade long
civil war and led to a surge in Sinhala-Buddhist triumphalism, as well as in
Rajapaksa's popularity.
The ruling United People's Freedom Alliance has benefited tremendously from the
military victory, scoring a string of electoral
victories in provincial councils and local bodies over the past year. Rajapaksa
hopes to cash in on the euphoria before public discontent grows over economic
issues. He is expected to announce a revised election date on November 15.
Since the war ended, Rajapaksa and his allies have launched a campaign
projecting him as "Sri Lanka's Savior", with billboards depicting him as a
Buddhist deity visible across the island. The powerful Buddhist clergy has also
participated in the glorification, with various chapters conferring on him
titles such as Universally Glorious Overlord of the Sinhalese, Heroic Warrior
Overlord of Lanka and Monarchical Emperor of the Glorious Land of Buddhism.
Immediately after the LTTE's defeat, Rajapaksa's supporters began a campaign to
make him president for life. It failed to gather sufficient steam, but that
hasn't stopped a personality cult being built around him, with ministers
trumpeting his "foresight, patience and bravery".
Rajapaksa's campaign to take sole credit for the victory has ruffled feathers
in the armed forces, triggering an ever-widening rift at the nation's highest
levels of power. Relations between Rajapaksa and Fonseka deteriorated visibly
in the weeks after the LTTE's defeat.
Fonseka was a big part of the offensive, leading crucial military offensives.
He was army commander from December 2005 to July this year, leading the
planning of the final phases of the "Eelam War IV", which culminated in the
final defeat of the LTTE.
The Rajapaksa government has tried to downplay his contribution. "It was
President Rajapaksa and his brother, Defense Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, who
steered the forces to victory against the LTTE," Labor Minister Mervyn Silva
said at a public rally recently, calling on Fonseka and others not to take
"personal credit" for the victory.
Fonseka was due to retire as army commander in December, but in July he was
appointed as Chief of Defense Staff. The shuffle saw his stint in the more
powerful post of army commander cut short by six months, with the "promotion"
moving him to a powerless, ceremonial post. More recently, Fonseka was offered
the position of Secretary to the Sports ministry, a job he has declined.
Fonseka has not taken this quietly, instead drawing attention to the central
role the army played in the war. In a speech a fortnight ago, Fonseka said
"certain people in Colombo" who "hold various responsibilities in the country"
speak about the victory over the LTTE as though it was achieved with ease.
"No matter how talented we are as politicians, this victory may not have been
possible if not for the assistance given by the public and service rendered by
the soldiers," he said. "If not for the commitment of the army" the victory
would not have been possible.
Fonseka's comments have left Rajapaksa's supporters anxious over plans for
Fonseka to enter the presidential race.
Twelve political parties recently formed the Eksath Jathika Peramuna, or United
National Front (UNF), which has the stated objective of combating the "corrupt
and despotic Rajapaksa family regime". The opposition coalition believes
Fonseka's credentials as a war hero will attract a sizeable section of the
hardline Sinhala vote, placing him in a strong position to defeat Rajapaksa.
Fonseka indicated some weeks ago that he is considering a job change. "Generals
wearing uniforms will not remain in the army forever," he said.
Even before he gives a formal nod to the new role, the Rajapaksa camp is
ramping up criticism of Fonseka, and the patronage that the ruling party has
extended the Buddhist clergy for years is paying off. The Patriotic National
Movement, the Patriotic Bikkhu Front, the Jana Vijaya Foundation, the
Jayagrahana Lanka Foundation and several Buddhist monks on Wednesday called on
Fonseka to not contest the presidential election, warning that they will issue
a decree against him if he does. Buddhist monks have threatened to organize
mass protests against Fonseka.
Dire warnings are being made of what lies ahead for Sri Lanka should a former
general become president. Education minister Susil Premajayantha has pointed to
the "total mess" in Pakistan after General Zia-ul Haq came to power in a 1977
coup. The general died in 1988, but "the trend of destabilization continues
even today," Premajayantha said.
Neither Rajapaksa nor Fonseka evokes confidence among the island's Tamils. This
isn't surprising given that both were part of the violence unleashed on
ordinary Tamils in the name of fighting the LTTE. Some Tamils in Sri Lanka and
abroad would like to see Fonseka, Rajapaksa and his brother Gotabhaya tried for
war crimes.
A fortnight ago, when Fonseka was in the United States on a private visit, it
was reported that the US Department of Homeland Security was going to question
him over alleged human-rights violations in the latter stages of the war. There
was real fear in the Rajapaksa camp that he would give evidence against
Gotabhaya, who is a US citizen.
Essentially, Rajapaksa and Fonseka are cut from the same cloth. Both are
Sinhala-Buddhist hardliners who view Tamils as a minority who should know their
place. In an interview to a Canadian daily newspaper in September 2008, Fonseka
said he "strongly believed that Sri Lanka belongs to the Sinhalese, but there
are minority communities" that are treated "like our people". "They can live in
this country with us. But they must not try to, under the pretext of being a
minority, demand undue things," he said.
Rajapaksa has displayed similar sentiments when dealing with Tamils. In the
months following the LTTE's defeat, his government made few attempts to
reconcile with the Tamils.
Only a few weeks ago, Rajapaksa's re-election was a foregone conclusion. Now
that is not so certain, and he will have to fight harder to maintain his
position if Fonseka throws his hat in the ring.
As for Fonseka, he would have to relinquish his uniform before contesting.
Importantly, his resignation will have to be accepted by the president. Will
Rajapaksa accept that resignation, or refuse to do so and prevent Fonseka from
challenging him?
There are issues that Fonseka will have to sort out with the UNF. The abolition
of the executive presidency is an important proposal that has drawn its
constituents together, but Fonseka is said to be strongly opposed to this. Then
there is the matter of the Tamil parties. Will they accept Fonseka as their
presidential candidate?
Those opposed to Fonseka's entry into politics say it will politicize the
military and undermine Sri Lanka's democracy. Fonseka as president will spell
the end of democracy, his critics say. But democracy in Sri Lanka has been
dying for a while, and it isn't the generals who have been strangling it. Sri
Lanka's democracy has been weakened by successive democratically elected
governments, with Rajapaksa's government contributing the most to this.
Sudha Ramachandran is an independent journalist/researcher based in
Bangalore.
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