Nepalis see red over Maoist strike By Dhruba Adhikary
KATHMANDU - Few watching the impressive May Day rally in Kathmandu on Saturday
believed the Maoist-led indefinite nationwide general strike called for that
day would last longer than a day or two. But the optimists have been proved
wrong as street agitation dragged into Friday, paralyzing public life amid
continued uncertainty.
What had been incredible was that the protests in the capital and elsewhere
across the country had remained largely free of violence. This peace was
shattered on Wednesday and Thursday as a growing number of Nepalese grew
frustrated with the shutdown being enforced on them by the Maoists.
Officials said violence between residents and former rebels had broken out in
several towns, with one person killed in Makwanpur
and another in the capital. There, security forces had to use tear gas to
prevent angry businessmen from burning down a Maoist party office, while youths
from a Hindu vigilante group attacked Maoist camps.
Diplomats were summoned to the prime minister's office at Simha Durbar, Lion's
Palace, on Wednesday. An embattled Madhav Kumar Nepal took an hour to explain
the measures his coalition government was taking to control the "illegal
activities".
He asked for the envoys' help in persuading leaders of the Unified Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist), or UCPN - the largest among the 25 parties represented
in the 601-member Constituent Assembly - to end the anti-government protest so
that all parties could work together for a solution.
"It is vital that the international community give an unambiguous message to
the UCPN: that they should act in the spirit of the agreements signed among the
parties in Nepal," the premier told the diplomats. They listened attentively
and said they appreciated the restraint shown by both the government and the
strike leaders.
French ambassador Gilles-Henry Garault, who heads the European section of the
diplomatic community, communicated another shared assessment: "The peace
process is under strain, and all parties should avoid provocative statements
and actions." This seems a clear hint that many diplomats view the government
as equally responsible for the precarious situation as the Maoists.
"The emerging scenario is an abnormal and difficult one, but it did not require
the prime minister [speaking to diplomats]," said Gopal Thapa, a senior
official who recently retired from the foreign service. He argued that the
deputy prime minister currently in charge of foreign affairs would have been
sufficient for the task.
Meanwhile, some embassies took precautionary measures to avoid violence during
the strike, though Maoist protesters were ordered to spare vehicles with
diplomatic number plates. The US Embassy, for instance, issued a restrictive
travel advisory and has been closed "until the strikes are lifted".
The strike has crippled the supply of food and other essentials like fuel and
medicine to the capital, affecting foreigners and Nepalis alike with both
expatriate and Nepali schools closed. The city's utilities are being stretched
to breaking point with the arrival of over 200,000 protesters from the
countryside.
There is a fear that the core group of protesters, most of whom are former
militants, might turn even more violent. There were several incidents across
the nation on Wednesday and Thursday and curfews were imposed in three tense
districts outside Kathmandu.
By Friday the US had weighed in, with a top official asking the Maoists to end
or suspend their strike
"The Maoist-imposed strike in Nepal is creating serious hardships for the
people of Nepal and the risk of dangerous confrontation is growing," said
Robert O Blake, the US assistant secretary, Bureau of South and Central Asian
Affairs.
As the May 28 deadline of issuing a new statute for a newly-declared republic
of Nepal approaches without even a first draft being written, the United
Nations is equally worried that the four-year-old peace process will be
derailed. Secretary general Ban Ki-moon alerted the Security Council on
Wednesday to the "prospect of a serious political-constitutional crisis" from
the failure to promulgate the constitution.
Some of Ban's previous reports had underlined the need for a government of
national unity. But the head of the incumbent coalition, Nepal, ignored such
suggestions as pro-Maoist and described them as interference in Nepal's
domestic affairs. The premier also appears opposed to extending the term of the
special UN political mission that was set up in early 2007 to oversee peace
agreements. A last-minute request has now been sent to the UN to extend the
mission's tenure by fourth months beyond May 15.
Bringing the Maoists into the political mainstream was considered a genuine
achievement at the time. After entering the realm of competitive politics, the
Maoists contested elections in 2008 that saw them emerge as the largest party -
with 40% of seats - in the Constituent Assembly. Their leader, Pushpa Kamal
Dahal, also known as Prachanda, cites this mandate as why his party should be
put in charge of a unity government to allow the peace process to reach its
logical conclusion.
The incumbent premier, dubbed a "puppet" of India by Prachanda and his
colleagues, is unwilling to accept this option. Nepal's position on this demand
palpably hardened since his return from Thimphu, Bhutan, to attend a regional
conference of South Asian nations in late April. On the sidelines, he met with
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India, among others. Prachanda took note of
this bilateral meeting in a fiery speech he gave at the May Day rally.
Prachanda said his party was being sidelined at the prompting of New Delhi.
Although Indian ambassador Rakesh Sood is purportedly worried by growing
anti-Indian feelings across Nepal, his embassy has not issued any statement to
contradict the allegation. (Premier Nepal took his post despite being defeated
in the 2008 elections in two constituencies.)
Indian External Affairs Minister S M Krishna told parliament on May 3 that
Manmohan had conveyed his country's support to the Nepali prime minister "for
the ongoing efforts of the people of Nepal for the consolidation of multiparty
democracy".
But analysts say India's approach is not based on ground realities. They say
that New Delhi is not keen about the stability of Nepal at the level, for
instance, of the UN or China, Nepal's neighbor to the north.
China's response stands in contrast to India's, a day after Krishna briefed
parliament on Nepal, on May 4, Beijing issued a statement through its Foreign
Ministry that underlined the importance of political stability. The spokeswoman
of the ministry, Jiang Yu, amplified that by saying that what is in Nepal's
fundamental interest is also "good for regional peace and stability".
In other words, disturbances in Nepal could adversely affect the rest of South
Asia. The Chinese reaction, couched in a carefully worded statement, also
carried a message for India. It was presented as friendly advice to Nepal: "We
sincerely hope Nepalese political forces will take national interest into
consideration, hold dialogue, coordinate, and seek a political consensus."
That the reaction from Beijing came swiftly indicates that China is also
concerned for its own national interests in Nepal. Nepal has given shelter to
several thousand Tibetan refugees since they fled their homeland in the late
1950s.
"China is a great power and has a vital interest in Nepal," wrote respected
Nepali diplomat and scholar Yadunath Khanal in an essay published in 1999. "It
would be unrealistic to assume that they have no alternative strategy in case
the present policy fails," he wrote. Khanal, who died a few years ago, had the
rare experience of serving as ambassador to the three countries that matter
most to Nepal: India, the United States and China.
Dhruba Adhikary is a Kathmandu-based journalist.
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