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    South Asia
     Feb 11, 2012


SPEAKING FREELY
Nepal: law and order denied
By Gyan Basnet

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

In little more than a half-century, Nepal has passed through a series of extreme political phases and experiences. Despotic Rana rule gave way to a single party Panchayat system under a monarch in 1951. In 1990, a popular revolution brought the first shoots of democracy, but this was followed by 10 years of civil war resulting in the abolition of monarchy and the birth of one of the world's newest republics.

Peace negotiations are still under way, but more than three years after the establishment of the Constitutional Assembly in 2008, with mandates to provide a constitution for the country and to

 

bring about a lasting peace; little has been achieved despite many extended timescales. Today, the country stands at a major junction, desperately searching for the right path ahead in re-defining its political, social and economic structure. Never before in history has Nepal seen such rapid political change, with demands from voices to be heard and from different segments of society to be included in the political process. Never in history has the country been so united - and never so divided.

Nepal witnessed very grave human rights violations during its 10 years of conflict (1996-2006). The statistics and reports show that over 1,300 enforced disappearances, hundreds of cases of rape, around 15,000 deaths and destruction of much of the country's infrastructure were recorded during the conflict. The actions of the forces on both sides (governmental and rebel, including leaders who gave orders) involved systematic violations (eg murder, extrajudicial executions, sexual violence, torture, and cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment), which constituted crimes against humanity, as well as transgressions against the norms of international humanitarian law.

If the purpose of justice is to remove any hint of impunity for the very worst crimes, then many of Nepal's politicians and heads of the armed forces have long since crossed the threshold for prosecution. The recent agreement between the political parties on a total amnesty for those responsible during the conflict has generated not only doubt about the on-going peace process but has been subject to stern criticism from many sectors, both national and international. The reluctance of the political parties and their leaders to bring the perpetrators to justice is a serious obstacle to the transitional peace process and to the truth, justice and reparation sought by the victims of a decade of political violence in the country.

The debates and pressures on Nepal's government must be started form national and international level before it is too late. How can there be meaningful peace without the maintenance of a fair and proper system of justice? Should peace and justice not travel together? How else can those who lost loved ones during the conflict be compensated for the very personal vacuum created in their lives? What kind of peace are they going to establish without punishing the culprits and without addressing the victim's sentiments? How can a peace process and a blanket amnesty exist side-by-side? An answer must be sought. Today the people demand answers, and they demand peace in the fullest sense, backed by a strong justice system.

Since Nepal's Constitutional Assembly came into being in April 2008, dramatic economic and political changes have occurred across the world. Economically, the West has been hit by financial debt, and a new wave of resistance to globalization, Occupy Wall Street, has gained a measure of universal support. Politically, the Arab Spring has removed dictators from power, and the European financial crisis has led to the collapse of governments. While all this has been happening the Assembly appears to have moved nowhere in its drafting of the constitution. The political parties in Nepal still fight to serve their own self-interests, and they are unable to rise above partisan politics. They seem only to know the language of power, compromising on anything that will make their position secure.

The peace process in the country has been under way for over five years. So much water has flowed under the bridges in that time, but little has been achieved in the peace process. During the five years, governments from different political parties have come and gone, but the primary tasks of completing the peace process and of drafting the new constitution show little progress whatsoever. Society senses failure and feels frustrated. It also suffers from chronic corruption at all levels as the recent report by Transparency International showed. It has lost its sense of destiny, and it distrusts now even its own justice system.

The ten years of Maoist insurgency was painful, costly, and devastating for Nepal. It weakened the country economically, took militarism to unprecedented levels, and caused much misery and human cost. Emergency, insurgency, instability and the absence of credible government advanced a human rights crisis. If individual autonomy within society is considered to be ‘the capacity of a human being to determine what he is and to shape his life in accordance with his convictions', Nepal's situation with regard to personal freedoms and liberties is a depressing story that is full of oppression, exploitation and domination. Government officials and personnel of the armed forces, both governmental and rebel, including leaders who gave orders in the name of the people's war, have seldom been charged or even questioned regarding the violations of rights, mass killings and destruction of infrastructure that took place.

Even after the five years of peacemaking, no attention has been paid to innocent victims and their families. Should they not be at the center of the peace process? Failures to bring the perpetrators of rights' violations to justice and the denial of the victims' claims for redress further intensify the lawlessness in the society. Five years ago, the House of Representatives unanimously endorsed a proposal to accede to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), but the will of the legislature has still not been carried out. Why? What is preventing it? Why is there no political will? Are the political leaders afraid because of their very own involvement in the atrocities? Why the delay in establishing the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)?

The proposed TRC must be established as quickly as possible in parallel with the peace dialogue and writing of the Constitution. The creation of the TRC, to investigate and clarify responsibility for violations of human rights committed during the armed conflict, is vital in order to complete the peace process. The TRC must be established in accordance with the international human rights norms and values to which Nepal is a party. The TRC must commence the judicial investigation and undertake criminal procedures against those responsible for serious human rights violations and crimes against humanity. Only thus can justice and reparation be assured to the victims. The objectives the TRC must be reparation and the restoration of dignity to all victims and their families.

The Rome Statute of the ICC must be ratified not only to ensure that similar human rights atrocities do not recur in the country but also that the rule of law and fundamental freedoms are respected in future. The act of ratification will be evidence of a commitment to uphold the rule of law, to eliminate the practice of lawlessness at national level, and to confirm the country's international commitment on human rights issues.

It is a natural tendency for people who have been victimized to demand justice, and there cannot be a meaningful peace without punishing those who committed crimes or ordered others to do so during the conflict. It is vital that perpetrators are made accountable for their past actions: how else can we deter future crime, counter a culture of impunity, and create a fair environment in which perpetrators and victims can realistically be expected to live next to one another. There should be a systematic mechanism for punishing the wrongdoers while emphasizing the need to heal wounds and rebuild relationships. At present, the government's activities indicate that it has totally ignored the victims and the sentiments of those who lost loved ones.

Without making restitution to victims and their families, how can a meaningful peace be achieved in the country? If we do not punish those responsible, their criminality may simply re-emerge in the future. An effective system of justice punishes wrongdoing, discourages repetition in the future, and grants victims a feeling of at least mental satisfaction. Human rights and freedoms, including the rule of law, can be protected only where there is a proper law and order system, which guarantees that the people can firmly place their trust in the law, in justice and in the political system. The unabated practice of impunity and the layers of corruption in governance and in the justice system prevent this at present.

A system of democracy, together with the rule of law and a guarantee of fundamental freedoms, is a noble ideal, imbued with universal principles, rights, obligations, respect, and procedures. Strengthening the democratic norms and values and making the system of politics fairer, more transparent and more accountable can only help to promote the values that Nepal wishes to adopt.

People of Nepal demand a meaningful peace backed by a strong system of justice and a democratic constitution. The international principles of human rights and the criminal law make similar demands. The culture of impunity in the country must be ended, and the politicization of the justice system must be discouraged at all levels. The norms and values of justice, the very foundation of society, must not be sacrificed for cheap political compromises. Those who caused the death of over 15,000 innocents and the destruction of the country's infrastructure during ten years of conflict must be brought to justice without condition. There can be no escape. Law and order must apply equally to everybody. The government must show respect for all judicial decisions, and it must ensure that nobody is above the law of the land. The country must make all public institutions more active, fair and transparent. This is vital.

An unjust peace is usually an unsustainable peace: it can so easily be a source of renewed war. Peace and justice demand that the perpetrators of gross human rights violations be made accountable. Nepal must take this opportunity to join the international human rights culture, becoming part of an international community that is committed to upholding the highest standards of international human rights. Nepal must never again in the country permit the scale of human rights atrocity that the country has witnessed so recently. The impetus for change must come from within the people. Nepalese, the people themselves, must put their own house in order. The vicious cycle of human rights violation in the country must stop now.

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. Articles submitted for this section allow our readers to express their opinions and do not necessarily meet the same editorial standards of Asia Times Online's regular contributors.

Dr Gyan Basnet, who holds a PhD and an LL.M degree in International Human Rights law from Lancaster University, UK, is a researcher in International Human Rights Law and an Advocate in the Supreme Court of Nepal. He can be reached at gyanbasnet@aol.com

(Copyright 2012 Gyan Basnet)

 


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