The
new Indo-Saudi alliance against
terrorism By Animesh Roul
At a time when questions are being raised
about Saudi Arabia's tacit support for the global
Salafist movement, recent developments have
displayed the kingdom's new-found seriousness in
fighting terrorism, especially that emanating from
South Asia. These developments include the
deportation of a top Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT)
operative and the detention of a wanted Indian
Mujahideen (IM) suspect.
After a long
period in custody, Saudi authorities deported Syed
Zabihuddin Ansari (aka Abu Jundal) to India on
June 22. Ansari is a top-ranking Indian operative
in the LeT and believed to be one of the key
conspirators in the November 2008 Mumbai terrorist
attacks. The deportation itself brings a much-needed
breakthrough in the
otherwise slow-paced investigation into the
attack.
Ansari had been holed up in Saudi
Arabia since 2010 after fleeing Pakistan, possibly
with the help of his Pakistani handlers. To
Islamabad's embarrassment, his Pakistani passport
indicates that it was issued in January 2009 from
Karachi in the name of Riyasat Ali, a resident of
Muridke, Pakistan. Ansari also holds two Pakistani
identity cards that enable him to enter that
country without a visa.
In response to an
Interpol alert, Saudi security agencies announced
in mid-May that suspected IM operative Fasih
Mehmood had been detained in Jubail for his
involvement in subversive activities in India.
Fasih, an engineer by profession, is wanted in
India for his alleged involvement in the April
2010 Chinnaswamy Stadium blasts in Bangalore and
the shooting of a tourist bus at Old Delhi's Jama
Masjid on September 19 of that year. Indian
agencies are seeking Fasih's deportation through
diplomatic channels, though there have been some
regulatory bottlenecks delaying his extradition.
The visible shift in Indo-Saudi bilateral
ties in the diplomatic sphere can be traced to a
January 2006 memorandum of understanding on
combating terrorism (part of the larger Delhi
Declaration) signed by the Indian home minister at
the time, Shivraj Patil, and Saudi Foreign
Minister Prince Saud bin Faisal bin Abdul Aziz Al
Saud. The much-needed extradition treaty was
finally signed in late February 2010, furthering
bilateral security cooperation under the auspices
of the March 2010 Riyadh Declaration.
Riding this new wave of counter-terrorism
cooperation from Saudi Arabia, India is attempting
to target other Indian terrorist fugitives
currently holed up in the kingdom and elsewhere in
the Gulf region, including former leaders of the
Students Islamic Movement of India and LeT
operatives such as C A M Basheer and Abu Haroon.
The arrest and deportation of Ansari, who
was sent by his LeT handlers to Saudi Arabia on a
mission to mobilize resources for the next big
attack against India, certainly signals a new
phase of Indo-Saudi anti-terrorism cooperation,
even though it took months of diplomatic
negotiations (with the United States playing an
active role) to persuade Saudi authorities to
overcome their long-standing pro-Pakistan
policies.
Indeed, the latest policy shift
goes against the kingdom's old ally Pakistan in
many ways. Ansari now becomes the third living
evidence of Pakistan's complicity in the Mumbai
attacks, along with Ajmal Kasab and David Headley.
It also sends a strong message to Pakistan that
Saudi Arabia is no longer a safe haven or staging
point for Islamic extremists who use the country
to exploit both Salafist sympathizers and the
South Asian diaspora to raise funds and to scout
talent for jihad.
India is concerned about
Saudi Arabia's largesse toward the Islamic
madrassas and charity organizations that have
contributed to Salafist-jihadi extremism in South
Asian countries. Saudi Arabia has also been at the
center of controversy over its support for
Kashmir-centric charities and LeT fronts such as
Jama'at-ud-Dawa in the name of health and
educational aid. Even Saudi Arabia's legitimate
banking institutions are now being closely watched
by authorities in the US, India and Bangladesh for
facilitating transactions and hosting accounts of
Indian-centric Pakistan-based terrorist groups and
charities.
However, the change of heart on
the part of the Saudi authorities is not directly
related to US pressure. Riyadh well understands
the dynamics of the changing geopolitical
atmosphere in the Arab world and India's growing
clout on the world stage. It also appreciates the
fact that terrorism is a double-edged sword,
especially after the August 2009 suicide attack on
Prince Muhammad bin Nayef in Jeddah.
Ansari's deportation to India is the first
of its kind by Saudi Arabia, though some observers
in India fear it will also be the last. India
expects the deportation of IM's Fasih Mehmood in
the near future once Saudi officials have
confirmed he is an Indian national. However, even
if these are steps in the right direction, Saudi
authorities have conveyed to their Indian
counterparts that while they may be prepared to
extradite Indian nationals to India, they wouldn't
necessarily act against Pakistani nationals wanted
for terrorist acts in India. New Delhi clearly
cannot take Saudi cooperation for granted and will
still need to work closely with Riyadh to ensure
future cooperation.
A change is
nonetheless visible in the Saudi attitude toward
India as it reciprocates Delhi's willingness to
stand by the kingdom in matters of trade and
security. However, it is premature to expect Saudi
Arabia to change its approach toward Pakistan
vis-a-vis India. In the light of existing
conditions, India might work in tandem with Saudi
authorities to further a crackdown on the
financial institutions and wealthy Saudi
individuals who have channeled billions of
petrodollars under the name of religious
contributions to fund jihad across South Asian
countries such as Bangladesh, Maldives and India.
Animesh Roul is the executive
director of research at the New Delhi-based
Society for the Study of Peace and Conflict.
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