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    South Asia
     Nov 17, 2012


SPEAKING FREELY
Indian liberalism has a rough week
By Mosarrap Hossain Khan

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing.

This past week, India witnessed a controversy regarding secularism when V S Naipaul was awarded the Lifetime Achievement Award at the Mumbai Literature Live Festival. Girish Karnad, one of the speakers at the festival, took umbrage at Naipaul being awarded the honor and launched an offensive on Naipaul's supposed prejudice in his writings against Indian Muslims.

In this piece, my modest purpose is to draw attention to the fact

 

that the V S Naipaul-Girish Karnad debate has mostly been conducted within the rubric of secularism in India and its discontents. A second related purpose is to illustrate the problems associated with such a position.

While watching television debates on three prominent television channels and reading the opinion pieces, the reader might ask: why is the whole issue reduced to a debate about Indian secularism? The host of one of the television programs explained that such an explanatory framework was provided by Naipaul himself when he responded to Girish Karnad's offensive as a problem of Indian secularism and its rigid principles.

Still the question remains: why is this affair perceived and conducted as a debate about secularism? Is it the myopia that does not allow Indian intellectuals to think beyond secularism when Muslims are dragged into any controversy? Or is it a deliberate effort to invoke secularism as the yardstick to judge Muslim deviance from what the standards of a liberal polity should be? In either sense, the debate has been allowed to be co-opted by the state because in India, as in the Western countries, the state is the ultimate arbiter of secularism and liberalism.

In a 2007 piece in New York Times, "Liberalism and Secularism: One and the Same", literary critic and theorist Stanley Fish offers a critique of such a state-centric view of liberalism, when he writes: "It is a form of political organization that is militantly secular and incapable, by definition, of seeing the strong claim of religion - the claim to be in possession of a truth all should acknowledge - as anything but an expression of unreasonableness and irrationality."

When the Naipaul-Karnad controversy is viewed only as a problem of Indian secularism, it is akin to moving the debate to the realm of liberalism of a particular kind that is, as again Fish reminds us, closed-minded "with respect to religions that do not honor the line between the secular and the sacred ..." That is because liberalism can be defined only through this separation and in no other way, even in a country like India where the state is supposed to be tolerant of all religions.

The Naipaul-Karnad debate and the defenders of both have tended to prove their liberalism by upholding their secular credentials. Yet, at the center of championing the rights of minorities, especially Muslims, in India, one could always sense a discomfort about Muslims' zeal for religion. The defense of Anil Dharker - the director of Mumbai Literature Festival - that he has supported Muslims in Gujarat riots cases despite Muslim history of rape and rapine in India, is the typical liberal position in India: I know that you guys have a tainted history; you guys are potentially communal; you guys are always on a short fuse; but I do support you guys. I support you because I am a liberal.

This liberal position is problematic because here the emphasis is laid far more on the liberal self or on the one who espouses liberalism than on the one for whom liberal ideals are being upheld. In India, liberalism is more of a performance than a commitment to the other, who in this case is a Muslim.

Although Stanley Fish would not like to make a distinction between liberalism and secularism, for me the Naipaul-Karnad debate is not so much about secularism but about liberalism. At the core of Indian liberalism, one also senses an implicit denial of the subject for whom liberal subject is fighting. That is because the object of liberal subject's pathos and empathy is capable of extremism himself/herself. That is why our liberals are always looking over their shoulders for fear of being stabbed in their back.
In a televised debate, when playwright Mahesh Dattani asks, "Are we truly secular?" he is actually asking: "Are we truly liberal?" He seems to hit the nail on the head. A truly liberal position does not have to reduce every argument about Muslims to an argument about secularism. That's a statist position. Every Muslim is also a human being, as much as a Hindu, a Buddhist, a Christian, or a Sikh. A truly liberal position should have treated Naipaul's politics as an attack on human beings and Karnad's position as an attempt to salvage the human and not just as an incidental defense of secularism.

Naipual's retort, that Indian secularism is always defined vis-a-vis Muslims, is not quite the point. Rather, in the broadest sense, this controversy is directly about Indian liberalism and indirectly about Indian nationalism. We must remember historian Gyan Pandey's contention that Indian Muslims constituted - and continues to constitute - Indian nationalism by becoming the boundary where the claim of being "naturally" Indian is fought.

When our liberal thinkers and intellectuals agree that we must accept Muslims came as invaders and marauders, they are merely re-invoking the boundary line. Because Indian Muslims have a tainted history as invaders and because of their religious zeal, they cannot be sufficiently secular, and by implication, Indian. In a way, our liberals are fighting a losing battle!

Mosarrap Hossain Khan is a doctoral candidate in the Department of English, New York University.

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. Articles submitted for this section allow our readers to express their opinions and do not necessarily meet the same editorial standards of Asia Times Online's regular contributors.

(Copyright 2012 Mosarrap Hossain Khan)





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