Southeast Asia

GM's link to abuses in Myanmar
By Takahashi Nobuyuki

Corporate globalization is especially intense in the automobile industry. The biggest-ever merger in the manufacturing sector, between the United States' Chrysler and Germany's Daimler-Benz, shocked the world in May 1998, just a year after the Asian financial crisis. The new trans-Atlantic company, DaimlerChrysler Corp, announced on the day of the merger that it would enhance management and administration (M&A) and strategic alliances in Asia. This declaration was one of the first indications of infiltration by transnational giants into the crippled Asian industrial sector, triggered by currency turmoil. Since then, transnational production networks have penetrated the entire region, including underdeveloped nations such as Myanmar.

On the same day of the trans-Atlantic DaimlerChrysler merger, another US automotive giant, General Motors Corp, started negotiations with South Korea's Daewoo Motor Corp for a possible buyout, and Ford Motor Co attempted to increase its share in Korea's Kia Motors Corp. It goes without saying that devastated stock prices and currency rates favored the overseas buyers. Indeed, International Monetary Fund (IMF) conditions imposed on the South Korean government encouraged bargain hunting on declined local companies. The IMF conditions, based on the Washington Consensus, included lifting the ceiling on foreign investment into local designated companies up to 55 percent, full commitment to World Trade Organization (WTO) guidelines on trade liberalization and easing restrictions on layoffs during M&A restructuring.

As a result of long negotiations, GM eventually agreed to acquire Daewoo's assets and, on June 27, GM's Japanese affiliate, Suzuki Motor Corp, unveiled the form of the takeover: GM will invest US$400 million for 67 percent of the newly formed GM-Korea Auto and Technology Co (GMAT), and Suzuki will pour in $89 million for 14.9 percent to GM's investment. In September 2000, GM agreed to increase its share in Suzuki by 20 percent to bring it under its control according to international accounting standards. This followed increases of its investments in Isuzu Motors Ltd to 49 percent in December 1998 and in Fuji Heavy Industry for 20 percent in December 1999.

To date, six of the eight major Japanese automobile groups are under control of US and European giants. The long-term Japanese recession and the Asian financial crisis in 1997 turned Japan's once-thriving national industry into a foothold for globalization in Asia. Another factor of the drastic changes in the regional industry is the wave of liberalization engineered by institutions such as the IMF and WTO, laying the foundation for transnational companies to proceed with their Asian strategy without regard for social costs.

The hottest field for transnationals' entry into the Chinese market since that country's accession to the WTO late last year has been in the automotive sector. GM has established joint ventures in Shanghai and Shenyang, and Toyota and Ford are to start full-scale production in China this year. At the same time, the proposed ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Free Trade Area, or AFTA, is another factor luring the giants into the Asian market.

The sales of the world's biggest transnational companies surpass those of many developing nations. GM has officially declared that it is a strong supporter of the WTO to ensure that global trade proceeds smoothly and cost-effectively. However, WTO policy that facilitates market expansion of corporate giants often causes friction with indigenous people in developing countries.

It is widely acknowledged that in Myanmar there is suppression of ethnic minorities, nearly a million people are in forced labor and more than 1,500 dissidents languish in jail under a military government sponsored by foreign aid and transnational businesses, including GM and Suzuki. In June 1996, on the grounds of human-rights abuses in Myanmar, the US state of Massachusetts passed a law to retaliate against companies doing business with that Southeast Asian nation by restricting their access to the state's procurement process. In response, the Japanese government and the European Commission (EC) took the case to the WTO, insisting that the Massachusetts law violated the WTO article on government procurement. The plaintiffs claimed that Massachusetts is a signatory to the agreement, which prohibits discrimination against products and services offered by foreign suppliers.

The Massachusetts law was eventually judged unconstitutional on the grounds that it went beyond state jurisdiction. Based on that judgment, Japan and the European Union suspended their complaint to the WTO. However, the case drew attention to the WTO procurement rule, which favors investors to the detriment of socially disadvantaged people, and raised suspicions about GM's involvement in Myanmar.

Suzuki, of whom GM owns the largest stake, established a joint venture with Myanmar Automobile and Diesel Engine Industries (MADEI) in November 1998. The newly formed joint venture, Myanmar Suzuki Motor Co Ltd, was 60 percent held by Suzuki, 5 percent by the Japanese trading house Tomen, 5 percent by SPA and 30 percent by MADEI.

The official business magazine of the military government, Myanmar Times of Business Review, named MADEI as part of the government's Second Industry Ministry. Local sources confirmed that the address of MADEI and the ministry are the same and that they were working inside the same compound.

Suzuki's suspected partner, the Second Industry Ministry, oversaw the manufacture of assault rifles, vehicles and weapons necessary for Yangon's military operations. Suzuki's executive managing director, Keiji Yamauchi, disclosed that Second Industry Minister Saw Lwin visited Japan to inspect its factory in October 1999. Myanmar's official business magazine reported that an industrial delegation consisting of six high-ranking officers led by the Saw Lwin were invited to the Japanese head office of Suzuki on October 18, 1999, to discuss future cooperation and to visit factories.

General Saw Lwin is known to have commanded training of the Myanmar Army, which is notorious for its harsh repression of indigenous people and ethnic minorities for 40 years. In contrast to the Japanese auto maker, the EU officially banned a visit by the general and froze his asset in Europe. Meanwhile, Japan is among 40 countries opposed to sanctions on Myanmar proposed by the International Labor Organization because of continued forced labor, and is one of four countries preparing to restart support for a hydroelectric power plant project in that country.

Amnesty International's report in 2001 claimed that 1,700 people were jailed in Myanmar for political reasons, 45 of them parliamentarians who had won a general election in 1990. Detainees' conditions are harsh. Amnesty reported that the most common human-rights violation is the forced labor of ethnic minorities, who are much more likely to be seized by the army than the majority Myanmese ethnic group. Men, women and children are forced into labor, are almost never paid for their work and suffer beatings and even death at the hands of their taskmasters, according to the international human-rights watchdog.

Giant GM ranks at the top of global companies whose sales are more than 10 times of gross domestic production of Myanmar. While most other transnational giants have distanced themselves to the Yangon government's military activities against its own people, GM's Japanese affiliate Suzuki has yet to clarify whether it is involved in production diverted for military purposes.

(©2002 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)


 
Jul 6, 2002



 

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