Southeast Asia

SPEAKING FREELY
Malaysiakini raid: Politics of fear
By Manjit Bhatia

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The police raid on award-winning online newspaper Malaysiakini.com was politically motivated after the right-wing cadres in UMNO Youth, an arm of the ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO), last week complained that a letter written by "Petrof", a reader, and published on Malaysiakini's website was seditious. What's treasonable, UMNO Youth says, is that the writer likens Malays, or bumiputera (sons of the soil), to the Ku Klux Klan in the United States. These cadres say the letter threatens Malaysia's "national interest", which it interprets in this case as undermining the security and balance of Malaysia's fragile multi-racial relations.

Police confiscated computers and servers belonging to Malaysiakini, apparently to "investigate" this and other "seditious" material that could be stored on computer hardware, and for which Malaysiakini and those responsible for their content could be charged. But this is a desperate attempt by a government, which is quickly gearing up for an election, probably in September, to silence a growing number of critics, mostly the well educated, of a regime that has continued strenuously to pursue the politics of racial division and a feudalistic patronage system which continues to entrench rampant cronyism, nepotism and corruption.

It's a pity the illiberal Malaysian government, until recently, had not used such sweeping police powers - since boasting its police and other intelligence is among the world's best - to root out Islamic terrorists and fascists who had holed up in Malaysia for more than a decade and who had used Malaysia as the regional center for their cowardly acts. It's far easier for the government to deploy state-terror on political dissidents, especially these days when the police are used to doing the ruling party's political dirty work. Moreover, pusillanimous state action is easily justified and legitimated nowadays by the cover of the war against terrorism, and backed by repressive laws.

Malaysia has learned little from history, including its own. And most Malaysians either remain blissfully complacent or ignorant of increasingly ugly political developments or they are scared by ruthless state power. And that's just how UMNO and the government of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad like it - rule by law. The latest raid hardly surprises given previous crackdowns on political opponents and dissidents since the race riots of May 13, 1969. May 13 institutionalized, probably forever, the racial codification of Malaysian politics. It also entrenched a reworked bargaining arrangement among political representatives of the three main ethnic communities by which "consensus" is reached on policy matters. But all these have only bastardized notions and practices of justice, freedom and equality.

Abuse of power has become a fundamental part of the Malaysian state system, and repressive laws mete out oppression by which successive regimes have governed the nation in the name of Malaysian democracy - one that is only as good as the valueless five-year cycle of general elections amid charges of gerrymandering and voting frauds. Democracy, freedom and justice died in 1969. The image of Malaysia's economic successes - rising national income and export-oriented industrialism - belie the dark underbelly of unequal politics and socio-economic development, and disguise a litany of power abuse by the political elite and the ruling class.

Since 1969, human-rights abuses by successive Malaysian governments have been rife. Press freedom was among its early victims. So was Malaysia's first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, then the chief nemesis of the Malay right-wing nationalist Mahathir Mohamad. Although press freedom was later relaxed to allow the growth of media outlets, their owners consistently exercised self-censorship as part of the new deal. By 1984, though, Prime Minister Mahathir had launched blistering new curbs on press freedom - an issue that became a bane for Malaysiakini editor Steven Gan when he worked for the Sun newspaper in the mid-1990s. In Mahathir's time, mainstream media is owned and controlled either by sections of the political elite or by its business cronies.

It's nonsense that UMNO should fear a letter written by a reader. So what really frightens UMNO? To be sure, it fears a growing backlash against the government by educated Malay and non-Malay voters, many of whom, in various ways, could easily influence other voters, particularly in ethnic-party heartlands. Already, one of the ruling coalition's partners, the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), is deeply split by protracted brawling between its incumbent leader and his No 2, with the growing likelihood that Chinese voters will punish the party by backing the opposition, mainly the Chinese Democratic Action Party, instead.

If the MCA had helped save UMNO's (and the ruling Barisan Nasional's) bacon in the last election in 1999, when its total vote was hammered - its worst performance since the 1969 elections - there are mounting fears the MCA will be completely ineffective this time around. In fact, UMNO genuinely fears it could get badly whacked again, and far worse than in 1999, by the opposition fundamentalist Islamic party, PAS. And there's no shortage of reasons for this. For one thing, the political power-transition process from Mahathir to his anointed successor, deputy Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, is far from fully transparent.

Also troubling is Mahathir's glaring support for the United States' war against terrorism, which many Muslim Malays see as the superpower flagrantly targeting Islamic countries while Mahathir launches only obligatory and seriously subdued criticisms of the US. Domestically, Mahathir is cracking down on Islamic schools, which he thinks could be sources for future terrorists, while he liberalizes aspects of Islamic precepts, especially on polygamy, which has enraged many Muslim women. All these are adding more woes to Malaysia's sputtering economic recovery. The anger among middle-class Malaysians badly hurt by the Asian economic crisis has not subsided sufficiently to be translated into votes for the ruling coalition.

And contrary to popular opinion, neither has the specter of former Mahathir protege Anwar Ibrahim, who was jailed on trumped-up charges by his former boss. Indeed, the police raid on Malaysiakini is certain to resurrect memories among Malaysians of the lengths to which the Mahathir government will pursue its authoritarian grip on political power. And worsening the problem is uncertainty about the government's ability to secure sustainable economic recovery. Although external shocks remain one of the economy's biggest obstacles, a series of recent policies will strongly test UMNO and the Mahathir government's true form on economic governance.

The underperforming stock market has been given a sudden boost with the entry of ValueCap, whose three main stakeholders are state-owned financial institutions armed with RM10 billion (US$2.63 billion) in cash. There's mounting speculation that ValueCap, registered as a private company, seeks to lift the share values of debt-sick "blue chip" crony-linked companies such as Renong and UEM so as to avert a serious bank-debt problem. And Malaysian banks are being forced into second round mergers, after the first round failed miserably. There's also renewed speculation that Danaharta, the state agency charged with ridding Malaysia Inc's bad debts by selling off assets, has been only partially successful. Add to this the latest scandal brewing over the RM1.02 billion road project on Penang, which is not the brainchild of the island's administration as claimed by Barisan Nasional but in fact the federal government's.

None of the mainstream media is willing to run hard-hitting and investigative stories, exposing the rise in government shenanigans after the late-1990s economic crisis, but Malaysiakini. Disgusted by the mainstream media's gutless journalism, and their status as no more than government mouthpieces aimed at dumbing-down Malaysians, more than 100,000 mostly educated Malaysians and others have turned to Malaysia's only independent "newspaper" since 1999. Malaysia's press freedom was shot to pieces a long time ago, but what has truly been shredded here, once again, is Malaysia's image abroad and at home.

Mahathir's assurance of press freedom while promoting his Multimedia Super Corridor has been gutted. Investors will be scared off by UMNO's latest terrorism and the specter of a government increasingly in disarray. Mahathir may well have undermined press freedom as he has justice and equality; now he's in danger of undermining UMNO and its coalition partners, who haven't moved beyond the 15th-century feudal mindset. UMNO Youth's small-mindedness, though not surprising, will only push more Malaysians toward Malaysiakini. With brave Malaysians behind it, Malaysiakini could show the growing irrelevance of the country's political dinosaurs and could help pave the way to a democratic Malaysia with a responsible and accountable government that's not a law unto itself.

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say.
Please click here if you are interested in contributing.
 
Jan 23, 2003


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