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Indonesia: Politicizing the
gatekeepers By Tony Sitathan
JAKARTA - They once were Indonesia's political
gatekeepers, reporting and analyzing national affairs.
But now these opinion-makers want to be part of the
political development process itself.
Political
analyst and television talk-show host Andi Mallarangeng
surprised many when he decided to form his own political
party with Ryaas Rasyid, who was minister of regional
autonomy and administrative reform in the government of
president Abdurrahman Wahid. Media baron Surya Paloh,
who was a controversial reporter during the Suharto era,
wants to be in the political fray for Golkar. And there
has been talk of well-known lawyer and human-rights
activists Todung Mulya Lubis possibly entering the
political scene.
There has been some concern
about public gatekeepers such as these abandoning their
neutrality and engaging in politics, exposing themselves
to the risk of being tainted by the power brokers in
government. "It's quite often we see good public
servants who are well intentioned but lack the fighting
resolve once they are in the comfort zone within the
government," remarked Andrei Tanudjaja, a former
outspoken critic of the Suharto government and a former
member of the General Assembly. "It is rare for an
individual to stand up for their beliefs and hope to
remain in government for a long time."
During
the regime of president Suharto, public opinion was the
exclusive monopoly of a few top politicians and decision
makers. Now the vehicles of mass media are less
regulated, and diverse opinions from different
communities and social backgrounds are encouraged. It is
hoped that this year's presidential and general
elections will further shift public opinion away from
the power brokers and into the hands of the masses.
Back in 1922, Walter Lippmann in Public
Opinion attempted to analyze the psychological
structure of the public and how they understood their
own social and political sensitivities through a
"stereotypical image" called a "pseudo-environment".
This pseudo-environment is very much alive in Indonesia,
where the art of politicking and consensus-building has
been refined with a fine tooth comb.
Lippmann, a
US journalist and media practitioner, felt that it was
important for "manufactured consent" to drive common
interests and develop public opinion. He wrote that
there was a need to protect ourselves from the
"trampling and roar of the bewildered herd".
This herd mentality does exist in Indonesia,
where public opinion was severely hammered, shaped and
molded to fit a certain pseudo-environment for 32 years
under the iron dictator Suharto. But in the
post-reformasi era, Indonesia has learned bitter
lessons about experimenting with democracy.
Political observers have noted that the
democratic process in Indonesia is not for the
faint-hearted. In the midst of all the changes, a sense
of perspective has to be maintained and, more often than
not, key public figures fill this vacuum and provide the
right balance of views. These gatekeepers bring an air
of predictability and practicality to the common issues
faced by everyday Indonesians, cutting through the hype
and calling a spade a spade.
"Moderators
espousing moderate views are a necessary element to win
the battle for public opinion and criticize executive or
legislative decisions that are based only profit motives
and not on public welfare," said Andrei.
There
is no doubt that Andi Mallarengeng, a political-science
graduate with a doctorate from the University of
Northern Illinois, is eminently qualified to lead in the
democratization process of Indonesia. He is not a
newcomer to politics; in 1999 he helped draft the
regional autonomy law before it was implemented under
the Wahid presidency. After being on the sidelines
commenting on Indonesian politics, he decided he could
reach a larger group of people and still retain his
independent views if he ran for office in the next
general elections. He formed the National Democratic
Unity Party (Partai Persatuan Demokrasi Kebangsaan, or
PPDK) in September 2002.
Modeling itself on
centrist parties found in Europe, the PPDK attempted to
offer an alternative to the nationalist extremism and
Islamic fundamentalism found in Indonesia. Staying away
from traditional large corporate funding schemes for his
party, it prefers to solicit party funds from smaller
retailers and individuals. There are now close to
200,000 card-carrying PPDK members and more than 400
branches in the various districts of Indonesia in more
than 30 municipalities. Andi Mallarengeng is optimistic
that although his party is new it stands a good chance
in the general elections. "On an optimistic scenario, I
hope to get at least 10 percent of seats in parliament
and in a worst-case scenario at least 3 percent of
available parliamentary seats," he said.
He is
also insistent on the need to fight corruption,
establish equal opportunities for women, and champion
the rule of law. "The rule of law creates certainty and
arbitrarily creates a climate of investment. Job
creation is one of the many attractive benefits that
comes along with having a good legal system and a rule
of law," he said.
Todung Mulya Lubis also feels
strongly about the abuse of the legal system in
Indonesia and the lack of transparency in the judicial
process. As a lawyer defending the magazine Tempo
against tycoon Tomy Winata's charges of libel, he felt
that influential big-wigs such as Winata can get away
almost with anything because of the loopholes in the
legal system. Nonetheless he was hopeful that over time
such legal quagmires would be a thing of the past.
He has also questioned whether Indonesia is
ready for direct presidential elections, which are set
to take place for the first time this year. "There is
obviously a real lack of political leadership and very
little real choice for the Indonesian people in their
actual selection of presidential candidates. For
instance, incumbent Megawati [Sukarnoputri] has a big
question to address on her capability to lead the
nation. Also both Wiranto and Akbar Tanjung come with
political liabilities. Susilo Bambang unfortunately does
not have popular mass support. So who is the next
credible president and vice president?" He added,
however, that while direct election of the president and
vice president is not a perfect system, it is still a
good thing for Indonesia.
As a champion for the
Asian Commission for Human Rights and the chairman of
Indonesian Corruption Watch, Todung feels that human
rights is no longer considered a foreign idea in
Indonesia. "More importantly I am worried about the
violation of economic and social-cultural rights,
especially in Aceh and Papua, where poverty and economic
suffering have caused a lot of tragic human suffering,"
he said.
As the writer of a book titled
Soeharto vs Time: In Search of Truth, Todung
understands how human-rights abuses and massive
unchecked corruption and nepotism under the Suharto
regime can stand to harm future generations of
Indonesians. As Indonesia enters a new era of
self-awareness, he said he did not want Indonesia to
forget the abuses of the former regime nor did he want
history to repeat itself.
Surya Paloh, a poor
farmer's son, started from humble origins in Aceh. He is
now the owner of Media Group and the rector of the
University of Indonesia Esa Unggul. He was also the
founder of the Indonesian Association of Young
Businessmen. Surya Paloh started his career in the media
world by publishing the Prioritas Daily in 1986. He was
often an outspoken critic of Suharto. The Prioritas
Daily was censured and its license to publish revoked by
the Suharto government. That did not stop him. His big
break founding Metro TV only came about with the fall of
Suharto. When B J Habibie became president he eased
media restrictions and Surya Paloh's was one of the five
TV stations granted licenses under Habibie's government.
Considered one of the youngest members of the
People's Consultative Assembly from 1971-92, he is now a
nominated Golkar candidate for the presidential
elections and stands a good chance of beating some older
Golkar candidates. His involvement in politics has
leveled the playing field for those who champion press
freedom in Indonesia.
But for a media icon to
attempt to be part of the political process and at the
same time maintain his independence and impartiality may
be a difficult balancing act. Indonesia is at a stage of
its political development that it needs the media as an
independent bastion of public opinion.
(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All
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