Search Asia Times

Advanced Search

 
Southeast Asia

Indonesia: Politicizing the gatekeepers
By Tony Sitathan

JAKARTA - They once were Indonesia's political gatekeepers, reporting and analyzing national affairs. But now these opinion-makers want to be part of the political development process itself.

Political analyst and television talk-show host Andi Mallarangeng surprised many when he decided to form his own political party with Ryaas Rasyid, who was minister of regional autonomy and administrative reform in the government of president Abdurrahman Wahid. Media baron Surya Paloh, who was a controversial reporter during the Suharto era, wants to be in the political fray for Golkar. And there has been talk of well-known lawyer and human-rights activists Todung Mulya Lubis possibly entering the political scene.

There has been some concern about public gatekeepers such as these abandoning their neutrality and engaging in politics, exposing themselves to the risk of being tainted by the power brokers in government. "It's quite often we see good public servants who are well intentioned but lack the fighting resolve once they are in the comfort zone within the government," remarked Andrei Tanudjaja, a former outspoken critic of the Suharto government and a former member of the General Assembly. "It is rare for an individual to stand up for their beliefs and hope to remain in government for a long time."

During the regime of president Suharto, public opinion was the exclusive monopoly of a few top politicians and decision makers. Now the vehicles of mass media are less regulated, and diverse opinions from different communities and social backgrounds are encouraged. It is hoped that this year's presidential and general elections will further shift public opinion away from the power brokers and into the hands of the masses.

Back in 1922, Walter Lippmann in Public Opinion attempted to analyze the psychological structure of the public and how they understood their own social and political sensitivities through a "stereotypical image" called a "pseudo-environment". This pseudo-environment is very much alive in Indonesia, where the art of politicking and consensus-building has been refined with a fine tooth comb.

Lippmann, a US journalist and media practitioner, felt that it was important for "manufactured consent" to drive common interests and develop public opinion. He wrote that there was a need to protect ourselves from the "trampling and roar of the bewildered herd".

This herd mentality does exist in Indonesia, where public opinion was severely hammered, shaped and molded to fit a certain pseudo-environment for 32 years under the iron dictator Suharto. But in the post-reformasi era, Indonesia has learned bitter lessons about experimenting with democracy.

Political observers have noted that the democratic process in Indonesia is not for the faint-hearted. In the midst of all the changes, a sense of perspective has to be maintained and, more often than not, key public figures fill this vacuum and provide the right balance of views. These gatekeepers bring an air of predictability and practicality to the common issues faced by everyday Indonesians, cutting through the hype and calling a spade a spade.

"Moderators espousing moderate views are a necessary element to win the battle for public opinion and criticize executive or legislative decisions that are based only profit motives and not on public welfare," said Andrei.

There is no doubt that Andi Mallarengeng, a political-science graduate with a doctorate from the University of Northern Illinois, is eminently qualified to lead in the democratization process of Indonesia. He is not a newcomer to politics; in 1999 he helped draft the regional autonomy law before it was implemented under the Wahid presidency. After being on the sidelines commenting on Indonesian politics, he decided he could reach a larger group of people and still retain his independent views if he ran for office in the next general elections. He formed the National Democratic Unity Party (Partai Persatuan Demokrasi Kebangsaan, or PPDK) in September 2002.

Modeling itself on centrist parties found in Europe, the PPDK attempted to offer an alternative to the nationalist extremism and Islamic fundamentalism found in Indonesia. Staying away from traditional large corporate funding schemes for his party, it prefers to solicit party funds from smaller retailers and individuals. There are now close to 200,000 card-carrying PPDK members and more than 400 branches in the various districts of Indonesia in more than 30 municipalities. Andi Mallarengeng is optimistic that although his party is new it stands a good chance in the general elections. "On an optimistic scenario, I hope to get at least 10 percent of seats in parliament and in a worst-case scenario at least 3 percent of available parliamentary seats," he said.

He is also insistent on the need to fight corruption, establish equal opportunities for women, and champion the rule of law. "The rule of law creates certainty and arbitrarily creates a climate of investment. Job creation is one of the many attractive benefits that comes along with having a good legal system and a rule of law," he said.

Todung Mulya Lubis also feels strongly about the abuse of the legal system in Indonesia and the lack of transparency in the judicial process. As a lawyer defending the magazine Tempo against tycoon Tomy Winata's charges of libel, he felt that influential big-wigs such as Winata can get away almost with anything because of the loopholes in the legal system. Nonetheless he was hopeful that over time such legal quagmires would be a thing of the past.

He has also questioned whether Indonesia is ready for direct presidential elections, which are set to take place for the first time this year. "There is obviously a real lack of political leadership and very little real choice for the Indonesian people in their actual selection of presidential candidates. For instance, incumbent Megawati [Sukarnoputri] has a big question to address on her capability to lead the nation. Also both Wiranto and Akbar Tanjung come with political liabilities. Susilo Bambang unfortunately does not have popular mass support. So who is the next credible president and vice president?" He added, however, that while direct election of the president and vice president is not a perfect system, it is still a good thing for Indonesia.

As a champion for the Asian Commission for Human Rights and the chairman of Indonesian Corruption Watch, Todung feels that human rights is no longer considered a foreign idea in Indonesia. "More importantly I am worried about the violation of economic and social-cultural rights, especially in Aceh and Papua, where poverty and economic suffering have caused a lot of tragic human suffering," he said.

As the writer of a book titled Soeharto vs Time: In Search of Truth, Todung understands how human-rights abuses and massive unchecked corruption and nepotism under the Suharto regime can stand to harm future generations of Indonesians. As Indonesia enters a new era of self-awareness, he said he did not want Indonesia to forget the abuses of the former regime nor did he want history to repeat itself.

Surya Paloh, a poor farmer's son, started from humble origins in Aceh. He is now the owner of Media Group and the rector of the University of Indonesia Esa Unggul. He was also the founder of the Indonesian Association of Young Businessmen. Surya Paloh started his career in the media world by publishing the Prioritas Daily in 1986. He was often an outspoken critic of Suharto. The Prioritas Daily was censured and its license to publish revoked by the Suharto government. That did not stop him. His big break founding Metro TV only came about with the fall of Suharto. When B J Habibie became president he eased media restrictions and Surya Paloh's was one of the five TV stations granted licenses under Habibie's government.

Considered one of the youngest members of the People's Consultative Assembly from 1971-92, he is now a nominated Golkar candidate for the presidential elections and stands a good chance of beating some older Golkar candidates. His involvement in politics has leveled the playing field for those who champion press freedom in Indonesia.

But for a media icon to attempt to be part of the political process and at the same time maintain his independence and impartiality may be a difficult balancing act. Indonesia is at a stage of its political development that it needs the media as an independent bastion of public opinion.

(Copyright 2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
 
Jan 8, 2004




An early guide to Indonesia's next president (Sep 5, '03)

 

         
         
No material from Asia Times Online may be republished in any form without written permission.
Copyright 2003, Asia Times Online, 4305 Far East Finance Centre, 16 Harcourt Rd, Central, Hong Kong