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Abdullah opens Pandora's box of
corruption
By Anil Netto
PENANG - With a general election looming,
Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi has been
eagerly promoting his government's recent crackdown on
corruption. But he may have opened a Pandora's box, with
demands for further action increasing and getting more
vociferous. The premier, who recently completed 100 days
in power, seems only to have whetted the appetites of
Malaysians after the arrests last week of a former
industrialist and a relatively little known serving
cabinet minister.
As part of Malaysia's
stepped-up attempts to crack down on corruption, the
government last week charged Lands and Cooperative
Development Minister Kasitah Gaddam, and tycoon Eric
Chia, the former head of troubled steel giant Perwaja,
with graft. Both cases date back to the time when
Mahathir Mohamad was in power, and their arrests seem to
provide evidence that Abdullah is serious about rooting
out corruption.
Many Malaysians are now
demanding more corruption-related arrests, and this time
they are calling for the arrests of more prominent
figures in the cabinet and the business world associated
with the administration of former premier Mahathir. On a
popular weblog, Malaysians are calling for the heads of
several of Mahathir's senior cabinet ministers, a couple
of whom are now serving in Abdullah's own cabinet.
As a result, Law Minister Rais Yatim recently
announced that the Anti-Corruption Agency has completed
investigations into 18 more high-profile corruption
cases, which are currently with various authorities and
awaiting further action. These cases, Rais said,
involved "high-ranking individuals and decision makers".
But the ties to corruption seem endless. In
coffee shops and homes, the question each time an arrest
is made is, "What about this cabinet minister or that
tycoon"? At times, the questions get a bit more
uncomfortable: "How could Mahathir have allowed all this
to happen in his administration?"
Mahathir's
history of corruption
It was Mahathir who
handpicked Eric Chia to head ailing steel giant Perwaja
Steel. Even when it was clear that Perwaja was sinking,
the firm was allowed to accumulate losses totaling RM11
billion (US$2.9 billion). "There is a very strong prima
facie argument that the previous administration had
protected Eric Chia all this while," said one political
scientist, who declined to be identified.
During
Mahathir's tenure as well, Bank Negara lost RM20-30
billion as a result of foreign currency speculation
while Bank Bumiputra (now merged into Bumiputra
Commerce) had to be repeatedly bailed out. The previous
administration also did not believe in calling for open
tenders for many major infrastructure projects,
preferring to hand them over to a coterie of politically
well-connected tycoons and firms.
With this in
mind, there is still considerable mainstream support for
Abdullah's crusade, boosted by glowing editorials in the
mainstream press. But as the days pass, it is anyone's
guess whether the public will be satisfied unless the
crusade goes all the way.
And if the public
isn't satisfied, it could mean trouble for Abdullah -
who is expected to call for a snap general election soon
to legitimize his position ahead of United Malays
National Organization (UMNO) party elections, expected
to be held in the middle of the year - particularly when
the split in Malay voters and disquiet in the Malay
heartland still lingers.
On February 11,
opposition sources said a crowd estimated at close to
20,000 packed the obscure village of Kota Sarang Semut
in Kedah, Mahathir's home state, for the launch of the
joint manifesto between Keadilan and PAS (Parti Islam
Se-Malaysia), the two remaining parties in the
opposition Alternative Front. (A third party, the
Democratic Action Party, pulled out of the alliance soon
after September 11, 2001, citing differences over PAS's
goal of setting up an Islamic state.) Difficult
negotiations over seat allocations between Keadilan and
the DAP (Democratic Action Party) - to ensure straight
fights between the ruling coalition and the opposition
and prevent a split in votes for the opposition - are
continuing.
Abdullah needs to lead the ruling
coalition to a comfortable win in the coming general
election to ward off potential challengers for the UMNO
leadership. He has correctly identified a couple of the
main issues that sowed the seeds of discontent in the
previous administration - corruption and abuse of police
powers that provoked outrage on the streets during the
heyday of reformasi demonstrations.
Before his first 100 days were up, he set up a
Royal Commission to look into police operations and he
is now in the midst of his anti-corruption crusade,
steps that seem to be moving him in the right direction.
However, critics say he has merely deflected some of the
heat these issues have generated and deferred the real
action - the outcome of the Royal Commission's inquiry
and court decisions on the corruption cases - until
after the general election.
In addition,
questions are still being asked about the role of Scomi
Group, controlled by Abdullah's son, which is alleged to
have produced delicate parts needed to enrich uranium
for nuclear bombs. One opposition party official told
Asia Times Online he believes that it was more than just
a coincidence that the two corruption arrests last week,
aimed he said "to deflect public attention", came at a
time when the United States had pointed an accusing
finger at Malaysia for its alleged role in a wider
nuclear smuggling network. In response, Abdullah has
denied the US claims and Scomi threw open the doors to
its factory in a bid to clear its name. Meanwhile, Scomi
Group Bhd has just reported a pre-tax profit of RM21
million on sales of RM162 million for the year ended
December 2003.
Critics also point out that
Abdullah's treatment of the individuals implicated in
the Scomi uproar differs from his treatment of alleged
Jemaah Islamiah militants. As Home Minister, Abdullah is
responsible for their detention without trial and
continued incarceration - some of them for more than two
years - under the harsh Internal Security Act.
Others, like Keadilan Youth leader Ezam Mohd
Nor, have not failed to notice that the duo arrested for
corruption last week were allowed bail, while ex-deputy
premier Anwar Ibrahim, who is serving 15 years in prison
on corruption and sodomy charges, has failed in his bail
applications since his arrest and jailing in 1998.
Anwar may have added to Abdullah's
agenda
Pro-reformasi activists say the
pro-democracy movement that was unleashed following
Anwar's ouster in 1998 must take some credit for pushing
corruption, abuse of power and cases of police brutality
to the top of Abdullah's agenda. After all, they say, it
was Anwar who revealed in Parliament in 1996 that
Perwaja was bleeding heavily.
During the heyday
of reformasi in 1998-2001, the demands for an end
to corruption, abuse of power and human rights
violations reverberated on the streets. A tearful
Mahathir announced his resignation to his party's
general assembly in 2002, never really explaining the
real reasons for his emotional decision. He finally
handed over power to Abdullah in October 2003.
When Anwar was ousted in 1998, ethnic Malays,
who make up just over half the population, deserted the
dominant United Malays National Organization in droves.
The opposition Islamic Party, PAS, riding on the wave of
outrage, proved to be the biggest winner in the 1999
general election. But through it all, UMNO has cast a
wary eye on Anwar's fledgling political vehicle,
Keadilan. Key second-echelon leaders - the vital link
between the party leadership and the grassroots - were
detained without trial in 2001 under the Internal
Security Act. They have since been released. And once
again the reformasi movement has taken to the
streets to demand Anwar's freedom before the upcoming
general elections. They staged a rally on Saturday night
in front of Anwar's family home in Cherok To-kun on
mainland Penang.
One speaker said the reformasi
movement's rallying cry should now include "Tangkap
Mahathir, tangkap!" (Catch Mahathir), apart from
"Reformasi!" and "Bebaskan Anwar!" (Free
Anwar!). Several independent observers present estimated
the turnout to be at least 10,000. But the
pro-establishment New Straits Times cited police as
saying that only 2,300 had turned up.
But
judging from the crowd's response, Anwar could remain a
central issue in the next general election. Almost all
the politicians present made frequent references to his
plight and there was little talk about the Islamic state
issue. The crowd sat glued to a large screen, on which
were projected videos of Anwar's arrest in 1998 and his
rallying speeches. They chanted "reformasi",
waved placards, and bobbed candles in the night air as
leaders declared Anwar a political prisoner.
One
opposition party politician present told Asia Times
Online that he disagreed with the Alternative Front's
bid to make Anwar's plight the central theme of its
campaign. He said what was more important was for
grassroots issues and the people's struggle for human
rights, economic empowerment and social justice to be
highlighted. An independent media analyst, on the other
hand, felt that the reformasi movement, like
similar movements elsewhere, still needed an icon or a
rallying symbol like Anwar to keep the struggle for
democratic reforms alive.
(Copyright 2004 Asia
Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please
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