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Looking for Mister Golkar
By Gary LaMoshi

DENPASAR, Bali - Golkar's presidential nominating convention on Tuesday indicated how thoroughly party chairman Akbar Tanjung has sought to distance the party from its authoritarian roots. Although it was hardly an exercise in grassroots democracy, the ruling vehicle for disgraced autocrat Suharto held an unprecedented open vote to choose its candidate for the president of Indonesia.

The convention featured five candidates presenting themselves to party officials from across the archipelago and then a secret ballot to select a candidate. The tally, telecast live across Indonesia, developed into a first-round photo finish, with partisans cheering each tally as the runners thundered down the home stretch.

Golkar partisans have plenty to cheer about. As vote counting from the April 5 legislative elections drones on, Golkar's lead over President Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) at the top of the polls widens daily. When the counting is done, perhaps next week, Golkar will comprise the largest faction in the new legislature, with up to 200 of 550 seats. The presidential election will take place in July.

About halfway through the Golkar convention count Tuesday night, business tycoon Aburizal Bakrie and retired armed forces chief Wiranto held the top two spots. In the likely event that no candidate got an outright majority, the top two finishers would meet in a second-round runoff to determine the party's candidate.

Scion of Bakrie & Brothers, Bakrie stands out among Indonesian tycoons because he is a) not ethnic Chinese; and b) not one of Suharto's children. Though not nearly as rich as Bakrie, Yusuf Kalla also shares both qualities, as well as roots outside Java - Bakrie is from Sumatra, Kalla from Sulawesi - plus the added advantage of a rare record of achievement in Megawati's cabinet featuring his work to quell violence in central Sulawesi. But Kalla withdrew from the Golkar race - and resigned his cabinet post as coordinating minister for people's welfare - less than 48 hours before the convention to run as vice president on the Democratic Party ticket with Susilo Bambang Yudhuyono. That news broke while Bakrie was hosting a weekend getaway for 320 supporters at Bali's Grand Hyatt.

Bakrie likely attracted some voters that had previously leaned toward Kalla. But there are significant differences between the two businessmen. Kalla didn't enter the political stage until Suharto left, while Bakrie is an intimate of the former president and a welcome visitor to the Cendana complex (Suharto's residential spread on Jalan Cendana in Jakarta). So while Kalla symbolized a Golkar ready to turn the page on the New Order, Bakrie carries SARS (sindrom aku rindu Suharto - I miss Suharto syndrome).

Wiranto boasts a full-blown case of SARS. He ran Suharto's armed forces and is under United Nations indictment for crimes against humanity in East Timor. Indonesian military forces failed to prevent, supported or participated in massacres of thousands of independence supporters, depending on how charitably you wish to view the armed forces' role in the carnage. Closer to home, Wiranto was conveniently absent from Jakarta during the May 1998 riots that, like the Timor killings and sectarian violence in the Malukus, bore the stamp of military complicity.

As the vote counting progressed from district level officials to provincial party bosses, who have three votes instead of just one, Tanjung closed on the front-runners. Speaker of the House of Representatives as well as party chairman, Tanjung won praise for rescuing Golkar, saving its priceless organization down to the village level throughout the nation. That party infrastructure gave Golkar its second-place finish in the 1999 election and the apparent top spot in the April 5 voting. Pundits expected the party faithful who owe Tanjung their continued relevance to reward him.

Tanjung had preserved the party by publicly distancing it from Suharto, to the reported dismay of Cendana. While shedding that baggage, he picked up his own, a conviction on corruption charges. The Golkar convention was seen as a device to delay the nomination process until the Supreme Court had a chance to overturn the verdict against Tanjung, which it did in February (see Tanjung acquittal: Verdict against reform, February 14).

With strong support from the top of the party pyramid, including 18 votes from the central committee, Tanjung finished the first round with 147 votes, Wiranto got 137, Bakrie had 118, distancing outspoken media magnate Surya Paloh (whose Metro TV disappeared from the airwaves in my neighborhood a couple of months ago as if it were being jammed like Voice of America broadcasts to China) and former Suharto son-in-law and commando Kopassus special forces General Prabowo Subianto with 39 votes.

With no candidate garnering an outright majority, the voting moved to a second round with clear battle lines. A vote for Tanjung was a vote for the new Golkar, the Golkar that thrives under democracy - in national elections and party conventions. A vote for Wiranto was a vote for the Golkar that served the strongman at the top.

The second-round voting lacked the drama of Round 1. Wiranto's youthful good looks, winning smile and military bearing make him a far more appealing candidate than insider Tanjung, who packs the inspirational punch of an accountant. Moreover, as party leader and House Speaker, Tanjung failed to build a legislative record or articulate what the reinvented Golkar stands for. The final count was 315 for Wiranto, 227 for Tanjung, with four spoiled ballots and one abstention.

For all Tanjung's work to save the Golkar brand, the party succumbed to SARS at its first exposure. Despite its status as the most effective national political organization, Golkar failed to lure any candidate that generates double digit support in presidential polls. It's no accident that, in the end, party delegates faced the choice of an accused thief whose conviction was overturned on grounds of incompetence and an accused human-rights criminal who, like his former mentor, refuses to face the music.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)


Apr 22, 2004



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