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Malaysia: The elusive Islamic state
By Yukiko Ohashi

Muslims the world over often affirm that Islam is a religion of peace based on submission to God. Yet opinions vary considerably as to how this Divine Will should be actualized.

Cut off from centuries of classical Islamic and legal scholarship, which requires one to understand not just Arabic but the context and evolution of Islamic history in the first place to be able to render a sound juristic verdict, the legal sensibility of Muslims has been severely compromised.

Muslims in Malaysia, not unlike those in the Middle East, have resorted to appreciating Islam through the narrow prism of al Halal wal Haram fil Islam - which means abiding by the "lawful and prohibited acts in Islam", and which is detailed in a book of the same name by Yusuf Qaradawi.

In this philosophy, submission to God is reduced to a series of dos and don'ts - a binary moral code. This approach was systematized by Qaradawi, dean of Islamic law at Qatar University, and the methodology gained currency in the Middle East, and subsequently in Southeast Asia.

Since 1960, when Qaradawi wrote his book in Arabic, his narrow approach toward Islam has predominated. In Malaysia, his influence is deep, even among the governing Muslim elites. When former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim was the president of the International Islamic University, Malaysia, he spent considerable time with Qaradawi, expressing his support for the latter's fiqh al aliyyah (introducing Islamic law according to priorities).

In his governmental post of deputy to prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, Anwar was able to bring some of Qaradawi's ideas into public policy. Eventually Anwar was dumped from the government and jailed on charges of sodomy and corruption; however, the thoughts and practice of Qaradawi have not been totally excluded from government policy, including the reductionist elements.

Islamic scholars and thinkers in Malaysia continue to look to Qaradawi for various Islamic interpretations and verdicts, such as on the legality of suicide terrorism. More important, the inspiration of Qaradawi is integral to the conceptual blueprint for an Islamic state as held by the opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS), which controls the Kelantan state government.

PAS's Islamic state is based on the permissible and the prohibited as outlined by Qaradawi. Observe the "Islamic state document" produced by PAS last year, the first of its kind in the history of the party, after much demand from Malaysians as to what a PAS-style Islamic state would actually represent.

In this document, it was clearly stated that PAS would implement "the Shariah [Islamic law] to achieve the five imperatives of the Shariah; therein to protect a Muslim's beliefs, life, intellect, dignity and property".

In seeking to fulfill these five imperatives, the document read: "In implementing the Shariah all vices and crimes that pertain to the above stated aspects would be controlled. Man-made laws have been [proved] a failure in securing the security and dignity of the human race."

From this line of reasoning, it is clear that punitive logic is not far from the implementation of Shariah as envisaged by PAS.

In fact, despite promising to keep true to the five objectives, what is known as Maqasid al-Shariah, PAS is totally silent on the jurisprudential methodology and tradition that would be employed on how these objectives can be fulfilled.

Yet anyone who is vaguely informed on Shariah is aware that the recourse to different methods or schools of thought on Shariah - whether it be mazhab Shafii (as is customary in Malaysia and Indonesia) or mazhab Maliki (as is common in Northern Africa) - can produce variations to each law.

PAS stated that the reason for the creation of an Islamic state is a Fardhu Ain (necessary Islamic obligation). To justify the creation of an Islamic state, PAS quoted the Islamic maxim: "Something becomes obligatory if an obligatory injunction fails to be fulfilled without it."

Going by the above assertion, Islamic law, in the words of M B Hooker, an Islamic-law specialist based in Australian National University, is a creature of "executive institution", something that the Islamic state must create.

Hence, rather than based on Islamic scholasticism, where religious scholars debate on each point of law before it is deployed or introduced, it is now the Islamic state that will decide how Islamic laws are best made.

It is in this context that Parvez Manzoor, a Muslim scholar based in Stockholm University, argues that the Islamic state can become an "all-watchful Hegelian state". This is because it carries within it the administrative, theological and bureaucratic reach, to sanction and approve every mode of behavior.

How one practices Islam in Malaysia, according to PAS, should boil down to observing the prescriptions (the dos) and proscriptions (the don'ts) of the Islamic state, and the kind of restrictive Shariah conceived by it. Therefore, the intermingling of men and women is banned, as are art events deemed offensive.

Although Islamists inspired by the clarity of Qaradawi's work often point to the validity of his approach, since there is a phrase in the Koran that encourages Muslims "to advocate virtue and forbid vice", they fail to note that even Qaradawi himself openly acknowledged the difficult and unprecedented nature of reducing Islam to a set of positive and negative deeds.

That this warning is not heeded is largely due to a shallow understanding of Islamic history, combined with even poorer understanding of Islamic law, and the methods with which laws are derived.

In seeking to create an Islamic state to police and punish, the very position of Islam itself is made controversial, especially in a modern and multiracial society such as Malaysia, where up to half of the population are non-Muslims.

Due to the tendency to assume that a punitive Islamic state is the norm, when Islamists in Malaysia do propose a legislative agenda, they are often predisposed to an approach that rarely questions the spirit and ethics laden in Shariah to satisfy the five imperatives.

Rather, the jurisprudence is based on sanctions and injunctions of the Islamic faith, which in fact is the most simplistic, if not crudest, rendition of Islam into contemporary context.

Herein lies the irony in Malaysia: Despite the clarion call of PAS to create an Islamic society guided by moral awareness, the current approach dilutes it. Instead, it is heavily tilted toward creating an all-powerful Islamic state rather than one fostered on ethical precepts.

Nevertheless, it remains PAS's contention that an Islamic state must come into existence first before an ethical Islamic society could come to be. Morality, in other words, comes after power.

Although the ruling party of Malaysia, the United Malays National Organization (UMNO), is arguably "softer" on the importance of Islamic state, even its Islamization program is not without punitive elements, in some cases even on par with PAS. Islamic laws passed by states ruled by UMNO have been just as strong and harsh.

The only way out for Malaysia is for scholars and students of Islam to be more sensitive to the context of Islamic history, rather than to adopt it wholesale, as is the preferred approach in Islamic institutes and universities thus far. Unless Islamists in Malaysia combine a perceptive reading of Islamic history and Islamic jurisprudence, the reliance on a punitive approach will continue to predominate.

(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)


Jun 9, 2004



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