COMMENTARY Indonesia faults on tennis diplomacy
By Gary LaMoshi
DENPASAR, Bali - Thirty-five years ago, ping-pong diplomacy changed the playing
field in global foreign relations. China's invitation to a US table-tennis team
in April 1971 broke more than two decades of silence between the communist and
capitalist giants. From that simple gesture, Sino-American relations have
evolved to intertwine the two countries economically and strategically despite
their fundamental differences. China and the US have learned to work around
those differences and focus on what draws them together.
Of course, it's ridiculous to imagine that ping-pong could have such a
far-reaching impact today. Under the clouds of terrorism, unilateralism and
nuclear war such a diplomatic and cultural
shock wave requires nothing less than full-fledged tennis. In the game where
love means nothing, Indonesia and Israel - the country with the world's largest
Muslim population and the Jewish state - have a chance to serve peace and human
understanding across ethnic, regional and religious barriers. But so far,
instead of acing this opportunity, the countries are set to double-fault.
In addition to tournaments for individuals, tennis has competitions between
national teams. Men play for their countries in the Davis Cup, women in the
Federation Cup. By virtue of their April Fed Cup results, a win over Serbia and
Montenegro and a loss to China respectively, Israel and Indonesia have booked a
July date for a best-of-five-match weekend clash in Israel.
Easy volley
The meeting is a potential winner for Indonesia, seeking to raise its profile
internationally. Eight years removed from three decades of authoritarian rule,
Indonesia has become global Exhibit A that Islam and democracy can peacefully
co-exist. Western boosters also urge Indonesia and its estimated 190 million
Muslims to take a more assertive role in the Muslim world to showcase their
tolerant, moderate brand of Islam.
Indonesia’s democratically elected President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
enthusiastically embraces these missions. He just returned from a trip to the
Middle East where, in addition to securing promises of financing for Indonesian
projects, Yudhoyono reiterated Indonesia’s desire to help break the stalemate
between the Israelis and Palestinians.
But this week's visit to Indonesia of Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad
underscores the gulf between Indonesia's diplomatic ambitions and global
realities. President Yudhoyono proposed that Indonesia act as a mediator in the
dispute over Iran’s nuclear ambitions, but Indonesia hasn't got enough game to
play at this level.
President Ahmadinejad has done his part to undermine Indonesia's position.
Ahmadinejad has used the visit's news conferences, interviews, and a speech at
Islamic University of Indonesia as a platform to build mistrust while sharply
criticizing the US, Israel, and their allies. The Jakarta Post newspaper
editorialized under the headline "Troubling Iran" that Ahmadinejad’s "firebrand
statements … have also shaped a less than pacifist image of his country's
political intent".
Caught in no man's land
But the real roadblock for Indonesia to bridge the gap between the Muslim world
and the rest of the planet is Indonesia itself. The government gave uncritical,
categorical endorsement of Iran's nuclear enrichment program, buying into
Ahmadinejad's rhetoric that couches the debate between Iran’s rights versus the
West's hegemony. Yudhoyono's Thursday proposal to expand talks on Iranian nukes
met with such scorn on all sides - not even President Ahmadinejad signed on -
that within 24 hours, the Foreign Ministry backed away from it at top speed.
Despite the West's cheerleading rhetoric about Muslim world leadership and the
ill-considered US embrace of Indonesia's unreformed military to combat
terrorism, even its biggest boosters realize Indonesia is not a neutral player.
Rather than exporting its moderate Islamic values, Indonesia has been importing
those of Middle Eastern Muslim extremists.
The result is creeping Islamization of a country that, while it has an
overwhelming Muslim majority, also has more non-Muslims than Australia and
Canada combined. Last month hardline Muslim attackers shut down the local
edition of Playboy - toned down to meet local sensibilities - while police
watched and the government leader remained silent (see
Indonesia: Playboy and hardcore violence,
April 21).
If Indonesia is serious about playing the role of middle man between Muslims
and the others, then it needs to get in the middle. That's where tennis comes
in.
President Yudhoyono says he favors a two-state solution to the Palestinian
question, but the government denied the Indonesian Tennis Association's bid to
go ahead with the match in Israel. ITA officials have appealed for a change of
venue - the two nations have previously met twice at neutral sites - but so far
Fed Cup organizers say Indonesia must play in Israel or forfeit.
Second serve
With a little topspin, this deadlock can become an opening for a ping pong
diplomacy style winner. Let the Indonesian team say "politicians play politics
but we play tennis" and go to Israel. Let President Yudhoyono stop kowtowing to
the radical Muslim minority on this easy issue and expose how ridiculous
imported Middle Eastern values are half a world away, particularly in view of
Indonesia's far more pressing problems.
If Indonesia won't do it, maybe someone will. Let the Israelis volunteer to
give up home-court advantage and travel to Indonesia in the name of good
sportswomanship and multicultural sisterhood and see what the Indonesian
government says to that. Let Jordan or Egypt, predominantly Muslim countries
that have relations with Israel, invite the teams to play as their guests.
In 1971, it was casual contact between Chinese and American ping-pong players
that led the way for their governments to open up. This time, fate has booked
the court for tennis diplomacy. Now, someone needs to show they have the balls
to play.
Gary LaMoshi has worked as a broadcast producer and print writer and
editor in the US and Asia. Longtime editor of investor rights advocate
eRaider.com, he's also a contributor to Slate and Salon.com, and a counselor
for Writing Camp (www.writingcamp.net).
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