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    Southeast Asia
     Nov 16, 2006
Asia searches for security in trade
By David Fullbrook

BANGKOK - Southeast Asia lies at the heart of a growing web of free-trade agreements being spun for Asia by leaders afraid of being left out. This is a grand mess in the making, threatening to tie trade in a massive knot rather than cut costs and red tape. That matters less than might be expected, because trade deals are often crafted to build confidence on a continent still lacking robust security institutions.

The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Hanoi [1] will be no exception. On the table will be a US proposal for



APEC, which is neither an association nor community but a forum aimed at forming the world's largest free-trade area in the medium to long term.

The APEC free-trade dream would conceivably join more than 100 proposals or agreements to manage trade in Asia. Rahul Sen, a trade economist with the Institute for Southeast Asian Studies in Singapore, estimates that more than 80 focus on East Asia, with at least 50 involving the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

That means many developing states - for Asia is mostly developing - are studying, weighing and negotiating more than a handful of bilateral or multilateral trade free trade agreements (FTAs) simultaneously. This is more than enough to tax trade officials in developing countries, constrained by thin budgets and shortages of able negotiators.

"The sheer number of agreements and the rate of proliferation is definitely a concern. There are concerns about the specificity - the more agreements that are negotiated and concluded, the more likely there will be contradictions," said Tiziana Bonapace, chief of trade policy at the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for the Asia-Pacific in Bangkok.

It's a situation made worse when strong and weak states sit down to thrash out a deal. Thailand's 2003 FTA with China was heavily criticized by Thai business people and fair-trade campaigners who said China would reap far more from the deal. And indeed, Thailand's trade deficit with China has been steadily increasing since the deal went into action. Problems with that deal began almost immediately. As Beijing was lowering national taxes and trade barriers for Thai products, Yunnan province was putting them up, flummoxing Thai exporters sending goods up the Mekong River.

It is an example of freer trade's complexity and often unforeseen ramifications beyond the actual act of business. "Many countries are not preparing themselves well enough before embarking on these negotiations, so they aren't quite aware of the specific benefits they want to gain from each bilateral agreement. Implementation integrity, as I term it, is the key to success," said Sen.

And that, as the China-Thailand case shows, is where the real problems start. Plans for resolving disputes are often sketchy at best. "We need to give it some time to see, but the lack of clear provision in some of these agreements is a concern," said Bonapace.

Where dispute-resolution mechanisms are in place, judgments may reflect the integrity of local judiciaries as much as the merits of the case. Where corruption is high, it stretches credulity to expect fair and just resolution. "If enforcement is weak, exporters or businesses will not be bothered about using them," said Sen.

Moreover, official enthusiasm for enforcing the letter and spirit of trade agreements is often lackluster, because of pressure by powerful domestic interests. "Many countries try to weasel out of trade deals, being less committed than they at first appeared. Most countries hold their own interests uppermost and many governments still have a mercantilist mindset," said Daniel Gay, a trade consultant in Geneva.

The 10-member ASEAN, which commemorates its 40th anniversary next year, still cannot bring its largest member, Indonesia, to abide by a voluntary agreement to stanch forest burning, which produces a sickening haze that often blankets nearby Singapore and Malaysia.

In practice, exporters often find so-called free-trade regimes costly and confusing to deal with. Agreements such as the ASEAN Free Trade Area, and others currently under discussion, often fall short of their free-trade promise because the costs of following complex rules to qualify for lower tariffs outweighs the potential savings, some say. Complexity is also a breeding ground for customs corruption, hoisting another barrier for trade to scramble over.

Still, as Bonapace points out, falling tariffs agreed to by World Trade Organization members are steadily eroding the preferential tariff margins that bilateral and regional trade deals made attractive in the first place. Redundancy beckons sooner rather than later for some trade deals, if not for many now being hammered out. Further world trade deals, many drifting now but not yet sunk, will only hasten that process.

That might be a blessing. As everywhere, negotiating positions and the final deals will to a greater or lesser extent reflect powerful domestic constituencies.

In Asia, where state concession-holders still carve out large chunks of economic activity, trade deals are as likely to be warped against increasing competition instead of opening up markets. That might sometimes protect jobs, but often stiffs consumers with higher prices, while letting inefficient but well-connected firms live another day.

"Real economic benefits will only be possible if these agreements are designed in a way that encourages deeper domestic reforms and liberalization that enhances competitiveness of these economies," said Sen.

In reality, Asia's trade agreements are as much business as they are everything else, a reality reflected in a term now gaining currency, "economic partnership agreement".

"If these agreements are not being utilized, what is their ultimate purpose, then? The answer probably lies in non-economic benefits in terms of FTAs being a political signal towards regional strategic and security cooperation," said Sen.

That should be welcomed, because Asia shows no sign of building strong security institutions like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. This gives trade talks more value than might be readily apparent, though not necessarily for freeing up trade flows.

Note
1. The Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum is a group of Pacific Rim countries that meet with the purpose of improving economic and political ties. It has standing committees on a wide range of issues, from communications to fisheries. The heads of government of APEC members meet annually in a summit called the APEC Economic Leaders' Meeting rotating in location among APEC's member economies. Its members are: Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, China, Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, Peru, the Philippines, Russia, Singapore, Chinese Taipei (Taiwan), Thailand, the United States and Vietnam.

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