Page 2 of
2 ASIA
HAND Politics by
proxy in Thailand By Shawn W
Crispin
criticisms during a failed
military-coup attempt in 1981, when a group of
disgruntled soldiers known collectively as the
"Young Turks" claimed among other complaints that
he had lower "the prestige of the monarchy by
clinging to the monarchy" and that "such acts of
his attaches the monarchical institute to
politics". [4] That coup failed, one prominent
military historian has noted, precisely because
the group failed to secure an audience with the
king
before launching their action. [5]
Old
enemies Significant in a cultural context,
where even in politics respect is bestowed on
elders, Samak came of political age in the same
era as Prem. Samak's political resume spans four
decades, including 10 elections to Parliament,
five stints as a minister or deputy minister, and
three postings as a deputy prime minister.
In the ideologically divisive 1970s, Samak
served as parliamentary spokesman for the
ultra-right and, according to historical accounts,
was pivotal in ordering the bloody 1976 crackdown
on leftist student protesters in Bangkok. Later,
as interior minister, he was responsible for the
closure of several critical left-leaning
newspapers. He survived at least two assassination
attempts during that troubled era, one plotted by
vengeful students.
Throughout the 1980s
and 1990s, Samak was a permanent fixture in
Parliament, and his Prachakorn Thai Party's
staunch opposition to Prem seeking another term as
prime minister, including a threat to launch an
immediate no-confidence motion if he resumed the
post, was one key factor in Prem's decision to
step down and quit politics in 1988.
Samak
later joined forces in a coalition led by General
Chatichai Choonhavan's Chat Thai party, which was
ousted in a military coup in 1991 on charges of
rampant corruption. He later secured top
positions, including the deputy premiership, in
the post-1992 transition from military to
democratic rule and became notorious in Thai media
circles for unleashing vicious guard dogs on rural
protesters who had gathered in Bangkok.
In
2000, Samak won an electoral landslide at
Bangkok's gubernatorial election, where by nearly
2-1 he romped over TRT's then "new-age" candidate,
Sudarat Keyuraphan. He thereafter worked closely
with Thaksin and TRT representatives during his
governorship, which critics say was notable for
its lack of tangible accomplishments and faint
clouds of corruption. On serving out his four-year
term, Samak re-emerged as a tough-talking,
pro-Thaksin radio and television talk-show host on
state-controlled frequencies.
In February
2006, Samak was pressured by both the Defense
Ministry and Supreme Command to cease broadcasting
after, in Thaksin's political defense, he
criticized Prem on air. During his most recent
press interview, Samak said he has stopped
needling Prem and that as PPP party leader he will
not act as Thaksin's political proxy - claims that
raise eyebrows among some Thailand-focused
political analysts.
With the restoration
of democracy and a new coalition government in
place by early next year, Prem will once again aim
to hover above the cut-and-thrust of daily Thai
politics. But count on Samak concentrating his
considerable oratory energies toward questioning
the legitimacy and aims of the military proxies
linked to Prem in the next coalition government
and keeping Thai politics on an unstable footing.
Notes 1. See Chai-Anan
Samudavanija's "The Thai Young Turks", Institute
of Southeast Asian Studies, 1982. 2. Jakrapob
Penkair, an executive of the banned People's
Television (PTV) station and a protest leader,
claims to have in his possession video footage
from the palace on the night of the coup that
shows King Bhumibol Adulyadej asking the coup
makers why they had staged the coup - proof, he
says, that the palace had no prior knowledge of
the military's intervention despite its vigorous
mobilization of royal symbolism that evening.
3. On Jakrapob's arrest on July 26, the former
government spokesman sent a text message to
several media outlets, including Asia Times
Online, saying: "The injustice of today is not the
end of the fight for Thailand's democracy, but
rather the beginning of the end of Thailand's
aristocracy." 4. Quoted in "The Thai Young
Turks", page 89. 5. Ibid, page 66.
Shawn W Crispin is Asia Times
Online's Southeast Asia editor. He may be reached
at swcrispin@atimes.com.
(Copyright
2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved.
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