Page 2 of
2 Malaysia's axis mysteriously
shifting By Ioannis Gatsiounis
Malaysia's governing elite has
shown resistance to democratic reform, clean
governance and cultural pluralism, while
strengthening ties with non-democratic states like
Iran, Sudan and Russia.
It's apparently
all part of a larger foreign-policy shift, which
Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar said in May
would help Malaysia "avoid being too dependent on
one particular segment" of the
global economy - read by some
as a reference to the US, which currently receives
nearly 16% of Malaysia's exports.
Abdullah's son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin
this month attempted to silence an opposition
leader by labeling him "a puppet of the United
States and the Jews". Meanwhile, Abdullah's
information chief and other ruling United Malays
National Organization (UMNO) elites have recently
moved to intimidate bloggers and Web portals for
exposing high-level government corruption.
Malaysia's courts, meanwhile, have recently handed
down hardline Islamic legal interpretations by
denying several Muslims the right to change their
religion.
Foreign Minister Syed Hamid
recently dismissed a US State Department report
that cited Malaysia's "failure to show
satisfactory progress in combating trafficking in
persons". Elsewhere Syed has said that Malaysia
and Iran hold "identical views" on a range of
global issues, including Iran's right to develop a
peaceful nuclear program.
Kuala Lumpur is
also playing a key role in integrating Iran into
the Asian economy at a time Washington is
attempting to isolate that country economically.
Last year Syed Hamid urged member countries of the
Organization of Islamic Conference, in line with
Iran's policy, to consider sending weapons to
Hezbollah.
To be sure, it could all be
politics as usual. Amid Malaysia's ethnic- and
religious-tinged political landscape, UMNO
politicians are wont to pander to Muslim
sentiment, while cooperating with the US and West
behind the scenes. Even as former strongman
Mahathir blustered on about US-led neo-colonialism
and protecting Malaysia's national sovereignty, he
simultaneously forged close military ties with the
US.
For instance, the two sides in 1994
signed an acquisitions and cross-servicing
agreement that allows US Navy ships to visit
Malaysian ports for repair and replenishment. The
contract was most recently renewed in 2005, during
Abdullah's tenure. Each year, US Special Forces
train at Malaysia's jungle-warfare school, and
bilateral military-to-military cooperation is
growing rather than diminishing. And the
administration of US President George W Bush has
generally applauded Malaysia's security and
counter-terrorism efforts.
Muted
complaints Nevertheless, some quarters are
growing more wary of Malaysia's geopolitical role.
"The UK has become more circumspect of
dealing with Malaysian leadership," said Alexander
Neill, head of the Asia Security Program at the
London-based Royal United Services Institute for
Defense and Security Studies. He said in
particular the recent zealously Islamic statements
by senior Malaysian leaders "are problematic to a
counter-terrorism policy".
There are other
geopolitical differences. For instance, while the
US and other Western governments fret about the
unfolding genocide in Sudan, Malaysia has recently
invested heavily in the regime's petroleum
resources. Abdullah also cemented military and
energy ties with Russia during a visit there in
June, according to Foreign Ministry Parliamentary
Secretary Ahmad Shabery Cheek. Some have suggested
that that overture could be designed to
counterbalance the close economic and military
ties the US shares with Malaysian neighbor and
rival Singapore. Ahmad has denied that Malaysia is
in any way becoming a proxy for Russian influence
in the Southeast Asian region.
While the
US aims to build an international consensus in
dissuading Iran from pursuing a nuclear-weapons
program, Malaysia has recently strengthened ties
to the Islamic Republic, including recent
negotiations toward a $16 billion oil deal.
Malaysia is also constructing a $7 billion oil
pipeline that will traverse the north of Malaysia,
which industry analysts say will help Tehran
deliver more oil to East Asia. The National
Iranian Oil Co reportedly has a 30% stake in the
joint-venture project, though the Malaysian
government has failed to disclose specific details
of the deal.
Those opaque dealings have
predictably caused a stir in Washington. James
Keith, the US ambassador-designate to Malaysia,
who is to begin his posting in Kuala Lumpur next
month, said at his Senate confirmation hearing in
May that he would "emphasize that we are
vigorously opposed to business as usual with
Iran".
He also said investment ties "offer
great promise for further development" and that
while he would work to nurture them, as well as
military and security cooperation, he stressed,
"It will be critical ... for my country team and
for me to speak forthrightly about our commitment
to fundamental values, including those enunciated
in the UN's Universal Declaration of Human
Rights."
US security and embassy officials
here declined to comment on how the recent string
of security lapses involving Malaysia have
affected bilateral relations and what steps if any
are being taken to prevent future
misunderstandings. The two sides last year signed
a treaty on mutual legal assistance covering a
broad range of criminal matters, including
evidence and witness sharing, though it's still
unclear whether the pact has actually been
ratified by Malaysia.
But that doesn't
resolve the fact that US fighter-aircraft parts
are, according to Koh during a secretly recorded
conversation revealed in a US Justice Department
press release, were regularly exported to Malaysia
en route to Iran. Security analysts say one reason
arms proliferators may gravitate toward Malaysia
is that it does not have a comprehensive and
specific law on export controls. According to the
International Institute for Strategic Studies,
"Malaysia lists only 'radioactive and nuclear
material, substances and irradiating apparatus'
for controls, and not dual-use items."
Malaysia does not have any verification
system in place to ensure that exported goods are
used for their stated end use or truly sent to
their listed end users. Officials with the
Malaysian police, Defense Ministry, Internal
Security Ministry, Foreign Affairs Ministry and
International Trade Ministry did not respond to
Asia Times Online's requests to discuss how the
government is acting to address these regulatory
loopholes. Yet until they are closed, US-Malaysian
relations will continue to be tinged with mutual
suspicion.
Ioannis Gatsiounis, a
New York native, is a Kuala Lumpur-based writer.
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