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    Southeast Asia
     Sep 26, 2007
Page 2 of 2
Thailand intensifies crackdown on militants

By Ian Storey

attempts to establish dialogue with the separatists had made little headway: "We have been trying to make contact with them but received no response."

Yet a month later, the prime minister changed tack, telling reporters that some progress had been made thanks to the efforts of Kuala Lumpur; however, Malaysian Foreign Minister Syed Hamid Albar muddied the waters further when he said his country



had not played any role in facilitating discussions between Bangkok and the insurgents.

In a major report published by Human Rights Watch last month titled "No One Is Safe", the NGO claims to have made contact with senior members of BRN-C who told the authors that their goal was to "liberate" the southern provinces from Thailand and that they were not interested in dialogue with Bangkok. According to the report, BRN-C leaders had stated that another three to five years of violence would be necessary before they were in a strong enough position to negotiate with the government.

In addition to its reconciliation policy, the Surayud government has been trying to improve socioeconomic and educational standards in the south. Thailand and Malaysia have agreed to implement a "3Es Program" designed to improve educational, employment and entrepreneurship. Bangkok is paying particular attention to education, which General Sonthi recently identified as one of the primary causes of the violence.

In a speech delivered in Songkhla, Sonthi said poor educational standards had allowed religious schools to hire teachers who preached separatist ideas, thus "brainwashing" young people into committing acts of violence. To weed out these teachers, the Education Department is finalizing plans to revamp Islamic education in the south, creating standardized curricula for Islamic schools and programs to screen owners and teachers. A new agency under the ministry will have the power to issue and revoke licenses for Islamic schools.

While the government has continued to adhere to a policy of reconciliation, it has also been steadfast in its refusal to consider autonomy for the south. When Defense Minister Boonrawd suggested it might be possible to give the south special-administrative-region status like Hong Kong and Macau in China, the prime minister rejected the idea, arguing that all parts of Thailand must be under the same law. This came as a disappointment to many observers who believe that genuine autonomy for the south, or at least some form of decentralization, is the only credible solution to the violence.

The effectiveness of the government's current offensive against Malay Muslim militants remains to be seen. So far it has had little effect on the daily catalogue of killings, bombings and arson attacks. Militant policy remains unchanged: to polarize society, attack symbols of the Thai state, and destroy the local economy, all in pursuit of a separate Islamic state. To polarize society, the tactic of beheadings has become more common, with 10 committed so far this year, one-third of the total.

The militants have achieved some notable successes against the security forces with roadside bombs - killing nine soldiers on May 9, 11 paramilitary rangers on May 31 and seven soldiers on June 15. According to official figures, between January 1 and June 30, 1,292 incidents of violence were recorded in the south, leading to 608 deaths, including 30 police, 53 army personnel, six teachers or civil servants, and 519 civilians, as well as 1,202 injuries.

Militants have also increased their attacks against the economic infrastructure of the south, including a series of coordinated bomb attacks in the south's commercial and tourism capital Hat Yai, Songkhla, in late May. Militants have also begun sabotaging the south's rail network, leading to the temporary suspension of rail services.

Foreign elements?
Regarding the involvement of foreign elements, government officials continue to make unsubstantiated allegations that shed little light on the issue and serve only to annoy Thailand's neighbors.

In May, RTA spokesman Colonel Akkara stated that captured insurgents had admitted to the presence of foreign trainers in the south, believed to be from Indonesia. This was followed a few days later by comments from General Wattanachai - who earlier in the year had said militants were influenced by al-Qaeda and Jemaah Islamiya (JI) - that militants were receiving weapons and bomb-making training from Cambodian Muslims and Indonesians.

Both the Indonesian and the Cambodian authorities rejected these accusations. Yet in June it was reported that the RTA had asked the Foreign Ministry to suspend issuing visas to Cambodian Muslims, alleging that 20,000 had entered the country legally since 2005, but that only 10% had returned home. The number of Cambodian Muslims and Rohingyas (a Muslim group based in western Myanmar) entering the country illegally and heading to the south was also giving the security services cause for concern.
Later in the month, Wattanachai asserted that Cambodian Muslims with links to JI had entered the country and were conducting atrocities. After angry comments from Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who accused Bangkok of looking for a scapegoat for the violence, Wattanachai backtracked on his earlier comments, stating, "No foreigners are involved in the situation in the south." The allegations recalled spats with Malaysia when the Thaksin government had claimed Malay-Muslim militants were undertaking training in Malaysia.

According to Defense Minister Boonrawd, the insurgents are "on their last legs". Such optimism, however, seems seriously misplaced. While the number of violent incidents has dropped, the intensity and sophistication of attacks is increasing. Moreover, it remains unclear whether the security forces' current offensive can be sustained and whether it will produce a positive outcome in the long term.

Ian Storey is a fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), Singapore.

(This article first appeared in The Jamestown Foundation. Used with permission.)

(Copyright 2007 The Jamestown Foundation.)

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