Page 1 of 2 INTERVIEW Anwar Ibrahim Anwar to Abdullah: It's nothing personal
By Ioannis Gatsiounis
KUALA LUMPUR - It has been a decade since Anwar Ibrahim has held political
office, and yet the opposition politician remains the ruling government's
biggest concern as Malaysia readies itself for parliamentary elections. Prime
Minister Abdullah Badawi called the snap polls for March 8, a month before a
politically motivated corruption conviction which bars Anwar from politics
officially ends.
The former Islamic youth leader and deputy premier has since his release from
prison in 2004 refashioned his political image as a pious crusader for social
justice and racial equality. Although he cannot run in the upcoming polls, he
nonetheless is seen as the unifying figure for a disparate group of opposition
parties, which
include the Islamist party known as PAS, the Chinese-based and secular
Democratic Action Party (DAP) and his own multi-religious and multiracial
People's Justice Party (PKR).
Anwar's critics contend that he changes his tune depending on the audience he
is addressing - a charge the veteran politician denies. Yet a poor showing by
the opposition on Saturday may well force Anwar to rethink his strategies - if
not his political future.
In a wide-ranging interview, Anwar addresses the many challenges Malaysia faces
and calls on the electorate to vote for change.
Asia Times Online: What do you see as wrong with Malaysia?
Anwar Ibrahim: Now we're seeing more anger. The Indians are
enraged because of perceived discrimination and demolition of temples. It's
widespread throughout the country. And among the Chinese there's a perception
that the discriminatory policies have gone a bit too far to enrich the few at
their expense.
So this is the basic problem. The government's failure, due to incompetence and
poor leadership, has affected them aversely. And the state of our economy: we
rely to a large extent on [foreign direct investments] ... and we have lost
that. We have lost our competitiveness; we have lost out to our neighbors.
ATol: The Chinese and Indian communities have voiced their
frustration about a number of government policies, but over the years most have
continued to support the Barisan Nasional-led ruling coalition. Do you foresee
a change at the upcoming polls?
AI: Well, I see change because I think [the government has]
crossed the line. For example, we have seen the destruction of [Hindu] temples,
the issue of permits, or building bylaws. This is the first time we have seen a
100-year-old temple demolished. Nothing has been done to address the legitimate
grievances of the Indian community: poverty, unemployment, housing, crime.
And among the Chinese, when the economy becomes more sluggish, then they of
course will attach blame to poor governance and the [affirmative action] New
Economic Policy. And then how does the government respond? Of course,
brandishing the keris [traditional Malay dagger] towards minority groups
becomes very symbolic. It's virtually a threat. They change the language ... of
instruction [to Malay] for math and science in Chinese schools.
So I think unlike previous elections, the Chinese and the Indians have
virtually made a clear shift. Normally Malaysians maintain their decorum and
are quite polite. But now you see ministers going and being booed, which is
unheard of.
ATol: Why vote for your PKR party? What can you and your party
bring to the people that the BN [Barisan Nasional] has not?
AI: First is the issue of governance. We have made it very clear
that constitutional guarantees must be protected, which means we respect the
Malay majority [and] Islam as the religion of the federation. But the
constitution also guarantees freedom of conscience, religion and expression.
The rights of non-Malays in terms of language and culture must be respected.
Second and very critical is our Malaysia Economic Agenda. We've crafted our
agenda in a way that will make us more competitive and attract investment - but
not at the expense of the Malay community. Even in areas where you need to have
affirmative action, it will not be based on race: affirmative action for the
marginalized, for the poor irrespective of race.
ATol: There is a great deal of indignation among the Chinese,
having been victim to discriminatory policies for so long. Isn't there a
legitimate fear among Malays that if you scrap the New Economic Policy, the
Chinese would pursue their personal and community interests at the expense of
the Malays?
AI: There is, I agree. I have crafted the Malaysian Economic
Agenda for more than a year now. There is no free media. So therefore we have
to publish half a million pamphlets so people can understand. It will not be at
the expense of the Malays, because it is affirmative action to protect the
interest of the majority of the poor and marginalized, which means you do away
with the 30% [ethnic Malay ownership] control [requirement for local]
companies. We would take RM10 billion [US$3.1 billion] for quality education,
so the majority of the funds would still go to the Malays.
ATol: But what is it about the policy that guarantees protection
for the Malays?
AI: If I have 10 billion ringgit to spend for education or
whatever, do I then give contracts or construction away to 20 Malay families?
Or do I allocate these resources to all poor Malaysians, irrespective of race?
Now, 80% of [state] funds go to [only] a million Malays.
But then the funds will also be able to be absorbed by the Chinese and Indians
- the deserving ones. And the Malays would actually benefit more than they do
now. But there has been incessant propaganda for the last three decades that
our [Malay] survival would depend only on the New Economic Policy.
ATol: What is the party, and more broadly the opposition, doing
differently this time around from the 2004 elections? What lessons have been
learned and how have you re-tooled and re-strategized?
AI: One is to work together; one opposition candidate versus the
BN. Second is to address issues clearly to the public. We can talk about
independent judiciary, free media, freedom of conscience, constitutional
guarantees. But you have to articulate these issues in clear terms.
ATol: But in the past the opposition has raised these issues
without sufficiently articulating the consequences. Are the consequences being
articulated? In other words I could say the BN is corrupt but unless you're
conveying to the people the consequences of that corruption, the message runs
the risk of getting lost.
AI: That's right. When our speakers talk they must not just talk
about an independent judiciary. You talk about how corruption has led to cases
being determined at the expense of the people ... which means the poor suffer.
Or, on the issue of price increases, why is it that Malaysia is the [world's]
largest producer of oil palm and still [there isn't] enough in their
supermarkets? Is it because you protect the cartels? You don't even allocate 2%
to benefit the poor. So you have to articulate it in a way people can
understand.
ATol: Some people have charged that you're not a genuine
reformer. How has your time in the political wilderness changed you?
AI: Well, of course, it's a time to meditate and reflect and
read. But for me it should be done from our programs and actions ... Because I
think that even in my time in government, you talk about public housing
programs, you talk about toll increases - I could defend my record ... Why is
it when I go to the low-cost housing areas like Kampong Kerinchi I have huge
support? They know that I was the last bastion for effective programs by the
government for the poor when I was minister.
ATol: How have you changed your ideas about governing and the
direction of the country since you were last in office?
AI: Well, I think you mature. And I think globalization and the
changing environment would dictate - demand - that you also
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