Page 1 of 2 ASIA HAND Anwar's moment of truth or consequence
By Shawn W Crispin
KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysian politician Anwar Ibrahim is headed either for the
premiership or prison, depending on how highly anticipated political events
play out in the weeks ahead.
His opposition alliance made important gains at March general elections,
breaking the ruling United Malay Nasional Organization (UMNO)-led coalition's
two-thirds majority hold over parliament and wresting control over five of the
federation's 13 states, including the country's main economic territories.
Anwar's ban from politics on a corruption conviction expired in April and since
he has aggressively upped the tempo of the
opposition alliance he nominally advises but de facto leads. He has boldly
predicted his alliance will have secured enough parliamentary defections to
topple Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi's coalition government and form his own
administration by September 16.
Anwar's formal return to politics is a key precondition for those defections to
commence and all eyes now are on the upcoming August 26 by-election at
Permatang Pauh, where Anwar is contesting and widely expected to win a
parliamentary seat recently vacated by his wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail.
Against that script, the attorney general last week formally charged Anwar with
sodomizing one of his former personal aides, charges he has characterized as a
conspiracy and similar to the accusation he was convicted and incarcerated for
in 1998 after falling out with then-prime minister Mahathir Mohammad. (Sodomy
is a criminal offense punishable by 20 years in prison in mainly Muslim
Malaysia.)
Anwar contends his opposition alliance aims to promote more democracy and
racial equality, though a hard-line Islamic party included in his coalition
raises critical questions about that assertion. There are also questions
emerging about his willingness to accept establishment UMNO politicians into
his supposedly pro-reform camp.
Incumbent Abdullah was elected in a 2004 landslide on a similar pro-democracy,
pro-reform platform, but was handed a strong democratic rebuke at this year's
polls due to widespread perceptions he failed to live up to those reform
promises. In a wide-ranging interview with Asia Times Online's Southeast Asia
Editor Shawn W Crispin, Anwar explains why his democratic drive to power is
different.
Asia Times Online: Many see the political situation in Malaysia
now as strikingly similar to the events in 1998 that ultimately led to your
demise and incarceration. How is the situation different this time?
Anwar Ibrahim: It is generally similar, but the political
environment allows for more space now, I would acknowledge that. In 1998 it was
clearly more authoritarian and the measures crude and very dictatorial.
But on the issues of governance, economic management and corruption, it is
worse. I'm talking about internal institutions, how they are being used to
benefit those in power and make others vulnerable against the might of the
ruling clique.
ATol: The latest sodomy charges brought against you are widely
seen as politically motivated. What happens next if you are convicted and
sentenced again?
Anwar: Well, if sanity prevails, and there is the barest minimum
respect for the rule of law, no one would expect me to be charged - but I have
been charged. It is unlike in 1998-99, when it all came as a surprise and no
one had the courage to say anything beyond that.
As you must have seen the medical report [of the alleged sodomy victim] is
already in the public domain. Which means the whole basis of the charge is now
flawed and could only be done under the instructions of the ruling elite and
the prime minister in particular. I believe both the prime minister and his
son-in-law, who we know for a fact now, is deeply involved in this whole
episode.
Now even the second medical report by the panel at the general hospital also
affirms the fact, ruling out any possibility of assault or sodomy, whether
forced or consensual. So it's not only a general perception the charges are
political, but is conclusive and clearly an attempt to smear my personality and
to try to derail our reform agenda towards democracy and my candidacy in the
upcoming by-election.
ATol: As those allegations come unraveled in the public domain,
some now see worrying parallels to the run-up of the 1969 race riots, when
opposition assertiveness escalated into street violence which saw ethnic
Chinese targeted and killed by ethnic Malays. What is the risk that UMNO
resorts to stoking ethnic passions to foment social unrest and uses that as
pretext to crack down on your movement?
Anwar: The ruling UMNO has launched strong racist attacks and
propaganda, accusing me initially of being pro-American and now as
pro-Malaysian Chinese and a betrayer to the Muslim and Malay cause, but they
have not succeeded.
At the March 8 elections they tried to do that, but the transformation, the
political change in the five states [that voted for the opposition] has gone on
very smoothly and we have survived almost five months now.
Looking back to the tragic experience of the race riots of 1969, you had the
formation of a ruling government that was essentially Malay versus a
predominantly Chinese or non-Malay opposition. Now that you have a very strong
multi-racial opposition, they cannot use the race card.
ATol: What is the risk the government attempts to bait your
supporters into some sort of street melee which allows them to crack down on
the pretense your movement has undermined racial harmony and social stability?
Anwar: Yes, you can see the political leadership's increased
rhetoric of Malay survival and Malay supremacy. And in the last few days the
prime minister made the clearly irresponsible remark that the slowdown or
downturn in the economy is due to Anwar.
This is the main news in all the government-controlled media, that Anwar is
responsible for the economic downturn. This, of course, can be played up
continuously and therefore you are a threat to stability and the national
economy, giving them the option to use draconian measures against you,
including the Internal Security Act (which allows for detention without trial.)
ATol: You fear the situation is heading in that direction?
Anwar: I don't fear, but I feel the public must be alerted.
ATol: How confident are you in the cohesiveness of your
multi-racial opposition alliance? There were recent reports that the Islamic
PAS party, a member of your coalition, was in talks about joining an alliance
with UMNO.
Anwar: We will continue to face teething problems, not unlike the
government coalition where it is all subdued and not open to the media. In our
case, we all practice democracy and our discourse is publicized in the media. I
don't deny the fact that we will have to deal with this though.
But if you look at the five states we now rule, we've hardly had any real
problems. Secondly, among the leadership - you know most of the meetings are
coordinated by me personally - we have had regular meetings and resolved most
of these issues, even the most contentious issues about an Islamic state,
apostasy and others.
ATol: How certain are you that you have the numbers to form a new
government by September 16. You've made the claim, but how firm are the
guarantees you have received from potential defectors?
Anwar: I first need to work on the first hurdle of winning the
by-election. We are still dealing with a system questioning the eligibility of
my candidacy, with questions over the conduct of the election commission, the
use of the security apparatus.
Particularly you notice that the inspector general of the police is personally
involved [in managing the by-election], even though he has a personal vendetta
against me. So we don't want to underestimate any of these forces. Anyway, we
are talking about hundreds of millions of dollars [that] will be thrown into
that small constituency.
Many have made as a precondition of any defection of MPs to our side that I
have to be in parliament. I am optimistic that they will keep their word and
once I enter parliament you will see some change. So right now we are still
very much on track.
ATol: What qualifications do you require of defectors and isn't
there a risk with an avalanche of defections that your supposedly reform-minded
government will actually be full of establishment UMNO politicians?
Anwar: We take a very open position. One, they have to agree on
the reform agenda of freedom and democracy, our new economic agenda, an
independent judiciary, a free media.
Second, we welcome all except those clearly involved in major corruption cases
or abuse of power which would make it rather untenable for us to defend that
they subscribe to these clear policies.
ATol: Before your incarceration you were widely seen as one of
Asia's rising political stars and your political rehabilitation has now taken
nearly a decade. Are yours, as some critics allege, the politics of revenge or
the politics of genuine reform?
Anwar: What else could they say? I've said since 2004, "malice
towards none" - this is [Abraham] Lincoln. I think we have to move on. It is
almost impossible to pursue an agenda for change if we are stuck in the past.
This does not mean that the billions that are gone must not be returned. But at
the personal level, even those who assaulted me to near death, I have forgiven
them and this has been made public. Unless they kick me again, then that's
something else.
Even against Mahathir - he goes on lamenting about the issues and it all seems
endless. Although his attacks against Abdullah Badawi are more vicious, he said
in the event I take over as prime minister he would prefer to leave the country
because I am not only close to America, but because I protect the Hindus and
the Christians and whatever. His testament helps me to a degree, as people see
me as fair to the Muslim cause, Christians and Hindus.
ATol: On Abdullah, do you see him as weak and does Malaysia need
a strong leader to manage the transition to more democracy?
Anwar: Not a strong leader in the sense that you need to be
authoritarian, but you must have a clear vision and policies. Obviously, you
must be prepared to shift when necessary. Abdullah is clearly incompetent and
corruption is more endemic under him. Nothing has happened.
Look at the royal commission on the judiciary: no further
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