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    Southeast Asia
     May 10, 2012




Populism trumps productivity in Thailand
By William Barnes

BANGKOK - Thailand finds itself stuck in a middle-income trap of mediocre economic growth aggravated by the combination a "capital strike" by Thai business owners and populist policies that threaten to distort the broad economy's pricing and competitiveness.

Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra's government's hotly debated introduction of sharply higher minimum wages and other populist pledges fail to touch on the deeper problem of local capitalists' unwillingness to lift the economy to a level where increasingly productive workers can command higher pay.

Ever since the 2001 rise of former premier Thaksin Shinawatra, Thai governments routinely fire up fiscal engines to make good on populist campaign promises following their electoral successes. Yet the country's political elite seems barely aware that in

 

important and debilitating ways economic development has stalled.

In the decade to 2010, gross domestic product (GDP) grew on average 4.4% per year, around half the regional average. Populist handouts, even when well-intentioned to address stubborn income gaps, are of scant use in raising national competitiveness, a number of Thai experts say.

Central bank governor Prasarn Trairatvorakul recently said "I understand that politicians need to ... secure their popularity. But there is also a need to consider long-term challenges." He flagged substandard education, alarmingly low allocations to research and development and an aging population.

Prasarn also warned "high-labor" companies they would have to revamp their operations or shut down. Yet the governor may have overlooked a more critical and chronic problem.

Corporate profits are plentiful in Thailand and banks are awash with liquidity. Yet for the past decade most companies have merely pocketed profits rather than invest in long-term growth strategies. Unemployment is near zero but real wages have barely risen in a decade.

"There is a deliberate effort by everyone to maintain a return on capital, in other words to maintain the scarcity of capital. And therefore real wages haven't gone up. That's the only way I can explain it," said Supavud Saicheau, a prominent economist and managing director (research) of local brokerage Phatra Securities.
Corporate reluctance to invest has not surprisingly resulted in generally very weak productivity gains. That has been especially dire in the important job-creating services sector, as recent World Bank research has noted.

In the last dozen years, manufacturing as a share of GDP has risen from around 30% to 40% while employing a roughly constant 15% of the workforce. Over that same period, real wage levels have crawled up between 3% and 4% whereas the overall output of the economy has increased by 50%.

Supavud blames the 1997 currency crash and financial crisis that technically bankrupted a wide swathe of Thai businesses for teaching too good of a capital lesson.

"Before the crisis, Thai capitalists were really wasting capital based on the belief that growth would always be there so you had better grab the growth, grab the market share and make money. You didn't care about the consequences," said Supavud.

"All that ended in tears and the capitalists took a big hit. And after that the capitalists started to conserve capital, [to be] very careful with their investments maintaining a high return on capital at the expense of labor ... They are not being evil, it is just self-preservation," he said.

This could explain the economic paradox that most real wages have barely increased even though official unemployment has fallen to near zero. As Thailand's economy bounces back from last year's devastating floods, towns across the country are now plastered with "help wanted" ads.

But the productivity figures tell a different, cautionary tale. In the first half of the 1990s, productivity increased by a robust 8.3% a year in Thailand, according to the Asian Productivity Organization.
This fell to almost zero (0.1%) before and after the boom from 1995-2000. Since then, productivity has picked up but only to about 2.5% a year over the period spanning 2000-2008. Productivity growth has remained stagnant in more recent years.

Thailand has now missed out on nearly two decades of the fast productivity growth that once promised to lift the country to the status of a high income, newly industrialized economy, similar to the climb up the value-added ladder seen in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.

Meanwhile, the years of easy growth derived from cheap-labor exports and farmers leaving their fields for industrial work are well over for Thailand. The expected economic opening of Myanmar, Thailand's underdeveloped neighbor, also threatens an exodus of low-wage migrant workers.

To be sure, climbing the value-added ladder represents a significant policy challenge. Neighboring Malaysia has had similar problems with chronically low investment, though with a much higher wealth base. Malaysia's per capita GDP is more than twice Thailand's; service sector-driven Singapore's is 10 times higher.

A combination of reluctant investors and an unusually high number of workers in the informal sector has produced an economic mix that has been toxic to development, said Sethaput Suthiwart-Narueput, managing partner at Advisor Company Ltd and a professor at Bangkok's Sasin Graduate School of Management.

Out of a working population of about 38 million, some 21 million such as farmers, taxi-drivers and others do not receive a regular income. Of the remaining 17 million, only nine million are paid a monthly salary while the other eight million receive a daily wage.

"We have a lot of workers who are working on a daily basis, getting paid day to day, so the likelihood that business owners will want to invest in these people - training and technology and so on - is really quite low. This contributes also to low and lackluster wage growth," said Sethaput.

Economic blind spot
Economic research shows that when skill levels are generally weak, due in part to low corporate investments as well as a laggard educational system, the large pool of informally employed workers acts as a drag on monthly salaries.

Cheap foreign workers, currently numbering over three million by some estimates, may have taken a few, often undesirable jobs away from low-skilled Thai workers. But academic studies suggest they have not significantly dragged down Thai pay rates, at least not directly.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Thailand notched years of rapid growth by simply luring peasant farmers to work in factories, where productivity was then relatively high. Now, many former farmers are returning to their provincial fields to escape the high costs of urban living and profit from a new populist scheme to boost rice prices above market levels.

Curiously, the Thai establishment has been oddly sanguine about the lack of investment.

A white paper on economic strategy produced under the auspices of a key adviser to former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Pansak Vinyaratn, argued that "native ingenuity" would help maintain output in the absence of significant new investment. The same paper confidently expected investment to pick up at some point; that was eight years ago.

"I don't think they even know this is a problem or define it as a problem," said Supavud, referring to the political response to the chronic lack of investment.

Then, as now, the government's emphasis has been on giving grass-roots voters higher spending power in the apparent hope that more domestic consumption will generate greater productivity.

Economic experts agree that recalibrating Thailand's traditional reliance on exports, which now account for around 70% of gross domestic product, is important. They also believe the current government policy of hiking minimum wages to increase labor's share of the economic pie will ultimately fail in an externally oriented, market-driven economy.

"You can't legislate or regulate your way to prosperity by increasing statutory minimum wage levels," said Sethaput. "If you could do that you wouldn't have poverty anywhere in the world because everybody would just regulate or legislate their way to prosperity. It just doesn't work."

Given the political furor over the current Yingluck government's populist handouts and programs, a more significant worry is that successive governments have not spent enough on growth-promoting capital investments.

Whereas two decades ago official capital investment in Thailand accounted for about 10% of GDP, it now accounts for around 5% by some measures, even as overall budgets have ballooned.

Planned big-ticket capital investments, including more-modern rail networks, could help if they are not squeezed out of the budget by prior populist spending promises or subject to the traditional long delays in implementing such major infrastructure projects.

American economist Paul Krugman won notoriety in the region in 1994 by suggesting Asia's growth owed more to perspiration and weight of numbers than inspiration. He had similarly warned the region's economies in 1997 that "Productivity isn't everything, but in the long run it is everything."

By 2010, after more than a decade of anemic investment, the International Monetary Fund warned that Thailand had "lost much of its former dynamism". The rise of China and other regional competitors for foreign direct investment (FDI) has eroded Thailand's once privileged position as one of the region's few open, investment-friendly economies.

Sethaput said the problem besetting Thai capitalists is that many can't see a clear path ahead.

"It might be something a bit ... existential. The growth story driving Thailand back in our golden years of high investment was fairly clear: labor intensive industries producing for export with FDI [foreign direct investment] from various places drove that," said Sethaput. "But that story doesn't play that well now because you have other places like that now, such as Vietnam. Where are the growth drivers in Thailand going to be? It is not as clear."

This is awkward at many levels, not least the political one. A great swath of the Thai electorate, inspired by populist promises and messages, now have middle-class aspirations but the lack the skills to compete in a global economy.

The Asian Development Bank warned last year that many emerging economies run the risk of becoming stuck in middle-income traps, characterized by bursts of rapid growth followed by periods of stagnation or decline. All indications are that Thailand is now firmly stuck in that trap without the political vision to escape.

William Barnes is a veteran Bangkok-based journalist.

(Copyright 2012 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


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