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    Southeast Asia
     Oct 27, 2012


Page 1 of 2
Etymology of an ethnic conflict
By Jason Johnson

PATTANI - In Thailand's insurgency-hit three southernmost provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat, the state's marginalization of the Malay language has been a core grievance among Malay Muslim nationalists aiming for either independence or substantial autonomy from the predominantly Buddhist nation.

For nearly a century, the state's effort to promote central Thai as the sole legitimate language has engendered animosity and even violent resistance in the historically Malay-speaking region. If relative peace is ever to be restored, the issue of language use will need to be addressed.

After the 1921 Compulsory Primary Education Act, which required all children in Thailand to attend state primary schools where

 

central Thai was the medium of instruction, Tengku Abdul Kadir, a Malay Muslim aristocrat, launched an organized rebellion against the government. Kadir and others considered the reforms an attempt by the government to destroy the identity of Malay Muslims and convert them into Thai-speaking Buddhists.

Organized Malay Muslim resistance to Thai rule later contributed to the government's approval of the use of Malay as a medium of instruction in some public primary and secondary schools in the region beginning in 1948. Yet the authoritarian government of Sarit Thanarat began in 1961 to transform traditional Islamic pondok schools into state-accredited private Islamic schools, which used the Thai language as the medium of instruction.

The policy served as the key proximate factor in the founding of the separatist organization Barisan Revolusi Nasional in 1963. Analysts believe BRN remains at the heart of Thailand's shadowy and, as widely believed, fractured southern insurgency.

Islamic pondok schools were a bastion of symbolic capital for Malay Muslims in the former Patani Sultanate, a region that roughly corresponds with the area currently embroiled in unrest. Although Islam was introduced to the region around the 14th century, there was a dramatic rise in the establishment of pondok schools in the 19th century.

This took place at a time when Siam, present-day Thailand, began to assert its power over Patani and other neighboring Malay kingdoms through warfare. Siam's internal colonization of Patani dramatically diminished the region's role as a vibrant commercial trading center in the Malay Peninsula.

Historians David Wyatt and Francis Bradley have pointed out that the destruction of Patani led the region's religious scholars to turn more toward Mecca in an effort to restructure and reform Patani. Those local religious leaders would later become prominent figures in Southeast Asian networks of Islamic scholars. Their role in publishing Jawi-based texts helped to transform Patani into the main center of Islamic learning in the Malay Peninsula in the second half of the 19th century.

Jawi, the use of a modified Arabic script to write classical Malay, has gradually been undermined by the introduction of central Thai and the Thai script to the region. As a result, Malay-speaking Muslims are now noticeably more fluent in written Thai than the antiquated Jawi, once the dominant form of writing Malay in maritime Southeast Asia.

Now, the majority of Malay speakers cannot write an original sentence in Jawi, or draw much meaning from reading Jawi texts. A younger generation of Malay speakers, however, has gained some fluency in Jawi because it is taught at the region's growing number of Islamic tadika kindergartens and private Islamic schools.

The demise of Jawi has long engendered strong resentment among those who take pride and dignity through disseminating Islamic knowledge. But there is broader animosity among Malay Muslims toward the more general erosion of the use of Malay. To varying degrees, many Malay Muslims - especially among the educated classes - in Thailand look south toward Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei and Singapore and see how Malay dialects are not only widely spoken but are also used as official languages.

Many Malay Muslims here quip that while Thai is only useful in Thailand, Malay can be used in these Southeast Asian countries. Those sentiments have deepened among those looking toward further integration of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations through the introduction of the ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. This, they believe, will provide a way to elevate the Malay language's status in Thailand's far south.

In spite of the linguistic affinity with Malay speakers beyond Thailand's territorial borders, the rise of the Thai language means a minority of Malay Muslims are no longer fluent in their native language. As a result, many Malay parents from a range of socio-economic backgrounds are concerned that future generations will not understand their mother tongue. Some older Malays in particular have been known to engage in language policing, scolding youth who use Thai in both public and private settings.

Those elders can still reflect on a time when Malay was the lingua franca throughout the region. As recently as 40 years ago, ethnic Chinese and Thais were compelled to learn the local Malay dialect for business and commerce. As a result, many elderly Malays cannot speak Thai, while some elderly Thai and ethnic-Chinese Buddhists are fluent in local Malay.

In some villages with ethnic-Malay majorities and Thai-speaking minorities, even younger Thai speakers can speak the local Malay dialect. It is a reminder that the state's efforts toward linguistic unification have only recently begun to take hold in the ethnic-minority region, where relative fluency in central Thai pales in comparison to other areas of the country.

Linguistic twists
While a period of relative peace in the region spanning the late 1980s through the 1990s saw a rise in the use of Thai, the protracted violence since 2004 has opened up a new debate over the future course of language use in the region. The unrest has provided a political opportunity for Patani-nationalist activists to undermine the trend toward Thai and give Malay more recognition.
Frequent seminars and conferences on the southern conflict have provided a platform for nationalist activists to argue in favor of legitimating the use of Malay in the region. For instance, local activists have worked toward making terms such as "Patani Malay" or "Melayu Patani" official in Thai to refer to the local dialect.

In bids to boost their reputation with the local populace and international observers, successive Thai governments have felt compelled to show greater respect and sensitivity toward the local use of Malay. Long accustomed to referring to the Malay dialect as pasa Yawi or pasa Isalam in Thai, many Thai officials have drawn from recent intellectual debates and now refer to the language as pasa Melayu, or "Malay language". A seeming minority has gone a step further by specifically referring to the local Malay as pasa Melayu Patani, or "Patani Malay language".

Addressing historical grievances over language use was central to the conflict-resolution proposals laid out by the National Reconciliation Commission, which was established in 2005 by the administration of then-prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. The NRC recommended in 2006 that Malay be used as a second working language in the region, meaning significantly that it could be used in government offices.

The recommendation, however, was rejected by one of Thailand's most influential figures, Prem Tinsulanonda, a former prime minister and current president of the monarchy's advisory Privy Council. Prem, who is now 92 years old, voiced that only Thai should be used as a medium of instruction in schools, underscoring a long-standing Thai reluctance to recognize Malay.

Yet even figures aligned with the opposition Democrat Party - often viewed as a conservative party that is reluctant to alter the political power arrangements between the central government and the ethno-religious minority region - have shown support for elevating the status of Malay.

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