KUALA LUMPUR - Animosity
between Malaysia's two leading political
coalitions - the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) and
opposition Pakatan Rakyat - has run high following
the opposition-led Himpunan Kebangkitan Rakyat
mass rally held earlier this month in the
capital's iconic Merdeka Stadium.
Many
argue that the political climate has never been so
polarized ahead of the country's 13th general
elections, democratic polls
that have the potential to
bring enormous political, economic and social
change.
BN, led by the United Malays
Nasional Organization (UMNO), has held power
consecutively since Malaysia achieved independence
from colonial Britain in 1957. Pakatan Rakyat - a
coalition of the People's Justice Party (PKR),
Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Pan-Malaysian
Islamic Party (PAS) - looks to build on the
historic gains it made at the 2008 polls, where it
initially won control of five out of 13 state
assemblies.
Since then, few have
acknowledged the emphasis that Prime Minister
Najib Razak has put on deconstructing draconian
legislation that once allowed for indefinite
detention without trial and scoop arrests of
government critics. Clearly, there is a vocal and
undeterred segment of the population which values
civil liberties, freedom of expression, and free
assembly to whom he is bidding to appeal.
The fact that this month's political rally
occurred without incident is a sign that his
administration is more comfortable with
liberalization than previous UMNO-led
administrations. While Najib has eased rules
regarding the publication of books and newspapers,
the next administration would gain enormous public
support by relaxing controls on grass roots
political expression, including allowances for
greater citizen participation in checking and
balancing alternative media.
At the same
time, many of the states under Paktan Rakyat's
control have experienced administrative
mismanagement, including cases of water shortages
that have left people without basic utilities.
Despite claims that it would reduce water tariffs,
the PAS-led administration in Kedah State has
instead increased them.
In Selangor,
reserve levels of treated water neared zero
because of prolonged spells of hot and dry
weather. Nonetheless, budget restructuring and
tight conditions introduced under the watch of the
Selangor government have halted the construction
of needed water treatment plants, despite the
current plants running at near maximum operating
and distribution capacity.
Institutions
such as the Malaysian Water Association (MWA) and
Syabas (the water concessionaire in Selangor
State) have criticized the Paktan
Rakyat-controlled Selangor government for
mismanaging the state's water resources, stating,
"either they don't understand water management or
they just refuse to understand. They are just
politicizing it".
Budget restructuring and
tight conditions introduced under the watch of the
Selangor government have halted the construction
of needed water treatment plants, despite the
current plants running at near maximum operating
and distribution capacity.
The fact that
these untested state governments have mismanaged
state resources to the point where people lose
access to necessities like water will not be
forgotten among many Malaysian voters. BN is not a
perfect coalition, but its component parties have
over the years demonstrated their capacity to
agree on political programs.
The
opposition, on the other hand, is marred not only
by disagreements between their component parties
but also with inner party disputes. Though
ideologically incompatible, Pakatan Rakyat's
component parties have allied through political
necessity to further their own individual programs
and agendas.
Tensions are emerging,
however. PAS members, such as Shahnon Ahmad, have
cast doubt on the party for no longer adhering to
the needs of Islam by working together with the
DAP. In response, PAS spiritual leader and veteran
politician Nik Aziz referenced how the Prophet
Muhammad cooperated with Jews and non-Muslims in
ancient Mecca by signing the Treaty of Hudaibiya,
which was negatively perceived by the Prophet's
followers as a concession to non-Muslim enemies.
Aziz was quoted saying, "however, the Muslims
managed to capture the city after that".
To some, Aziz's comments insinuated that
PAS is only cooperating with Paktan Rakyat's
component parties to further its own program of
founding an Islamic state governed under hudud
law. PAS has advocated gender segregation, dress
code requirements, a crackdown on high heels and
lipstick, banning movie cinemas, and a ban on
Valentine's Day, all of which the party views as
immoral.
Such a political program only
appeals to a limited demographic of the Malaysian
population, and imposing the will of Islamists
onto non-Muslims would undermine religious
freedoms and civil liberties. The introduction of
such laws in a country like Malaysia would thus
represent a dictatorship of a theocratic minority
over the multi-faith majority.
The focus
of the next administration should arguably instead
be centered on safeguarding the religious and
cultural freedoms that binds together Malaysian
society. Yet there are questions emerging about
Pakatan Rakyat leader Anwar Ibrahim's liberal
credentials, including on issues of dissent and
political expression.
The recent lawsuit
filed by Anwar against political scientist Chandra
Muzaffar provides one such insight. Anwar pressed
charges against Chandra for saying that his
hypothetical tenure as prime minister after the
upcoming polls would be "an unmitigated disaster
for Malaysia".
As deputy prime minister
and finance minister under former authoritarian
leader Mahathir Mohamad, Anwar's economic policies
were aligned with international financial
institutions such as the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and World Bank. Both have historically
dictated structural adjustment policies that cut
social services and dismantle social safety nets
in favor of central bankers and private lending
institutions.
Some analysts believe that
if elected Anwar would again align his policies
with the IMF, which has called for the dismantling
of Malaysia's subsidy regime. If those policies
are pursued in haste, some believe the nation
could face the type of fuel riots that have rocked
Nigeria and Indonesia in recent times, and the
vicious anti-austerity protests that have become
commonplace in the European Union members states
such as Greece, Spain, and Portugal.
For
all the opposition criticism, BN has delivered a
laudable measure of economic growth and stability.
The ruling coalition's legitimacy is based largely
on its ability to deliver economic development
with some of the lowest inflation rates in the
world, unemployment at a meager 2.9%, and steady
economic growth of around 5%. Under Najib's watch,
Malaysia has enjoyed a relatively healthy economy
in a time of great global economic uncertainty.
The next administration will need to find
innovative ways to reduce increasing public debt
levels, bolster programs aimed at increasing
incomes, and strengthen populist policies and the
social safety net. It will also need to
steadfastly maintain the capital controls imposed
under Mahathir that have allowed the nation to
navigate through global economic and financial
uncertainty.
The next government will also
need to respond to outside calls for subsidy
reform by balancing its budget wisely while
retaining beneficial protectionist measures as it
embarks on sweeping infrastructural projects
throughout the country. The bottom line is that
many Malaysians do not feel like the government is
listening to their voices, and that it is more
interested in appeasing foreign investors than
grassroots communities.
Amendments such as
114A, which has been widely perceived to obstruct
Internet freedoms, remain highly unpopular, as
does recent news of Malaysia signing onto the
controversial United States-led Trans-Pacific
Partnership free trade agreement.
The
election, which must be held by June, is expected
to be a tight race, the results of which may
drastically alter the direction of the nation. If
Najib is re-elected, his BN-led administration
would capture enormous public confidence if it
continued liberalizing political expression,
squashed capital punishment penalties, and oversaw
genuine reform of the police by addressing their
spotty custodial death figures.
To uproot
and prevent corruption, the next government will
need to mandate that all contracts be awarded
through open tenders. In that direction,
politicians, ministers, and civil society members
should be required to declare their assets,
disclose their sources of political donations, and
declare any foreign assistance and bank accounts.
There is a popular call for the next
administration to take a progressive line on past
unpopular policies, whichever coalition is next
elected at the ballot box.
Nile
Bowie is an independent political commentator
and photographer based in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
He can be reached at nilebowie@gmail.com
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