Round two in Thailand's war on
evil By David Fullbrook
BANGKOK - Despite strong local and foreign
criticism of Thailand's corpse-strewn war on drugs last
year, which led to the deaths of more than 2,000
suspected traffickers and dealers, the government
continues to laud the policy, this month renewing its
so-called war on drugs and launching a new campaign
dubbed the "war on dark influences".
Although
the earlier deaths are blamed on state agents by many,
the Thai government denies any official involvement in
the killings, instead dismissing them as gangland hits.
Even then, more than 1,000 unresolved murder cases still
litter detectives' desks. Thus, it is telling that the
subsequent war on dark influences and the second war on
drugs have not been accompanied by gunfire and body
counts.
Perhaps this is why little has been
heard of the new wars, particularly the war on dark
influences - shorthand for organized crime. In regard to
the second war on drugs, Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra said the new 90-day crackdown would target
relapsed drug addicts, small-scale peddlers in Bangkok
and other major cities and wholesale traffickers
operating along Thailand's border with Myanmar.
Meanwhile, the war on dark influences had its
opening salvo back in December, the same month that
Shinawatra declared victory after a 10-month anti-drug
campaign. Since that time, however, shootouts and rising
body counts have not been leaping from the headlines as
they were during the first drug crackdown.
"In
the war on dark influence we did not find a significant
number of extra-judicial killings. I think this is
because of concern about foreign opinion," said Somchai
Homlaor, chairman of the Law Society of Thailand's human
rights committee, who added that even a year after the
first drug war began people are still filing cases
against the war on drugs.
But hitting dark
influences, which the government describes as a web of
cliques bringing together various politicians,
businessmen and civil servants, could cause skeletons to
tumble out of closets, especially if they are hit too
hard. Feeling that the police were getting greedy,
massage-parlor tycoon Chuwit Kamolvisit last year
revealed the names of police officers he had previously
bribed. Amid much political huffing and puffing, the
accused police were soon transferred, while Chuwit
turned politician, launched his own political party and
is now running for governor of Bangkok. After an episode
like this, nobody wants a more explosive rerun.
Thus, is seems Thailand is just not ready to
take on crime's chief executive officers the way
Singapore cut down on Chinese secret societies or Hong
Kong rooted out corruption. "With the war on dark
influences, while it has the objective of raising
popularity, it soon became apparent to the government
that this was not possible due to the extensive
patronage system in Thai politics and business," said
Sunai Pasuk, a professor who currently is researching
Thai politics and human rights at Thammasat University.
Indeed, the government's strength may also be
its shackles. "What's new about this government is that
it has very clear policies in many dimensions. But it is
contradictory too. It emphasizes new policies, but is
full of old-style politicians based on old patronage
systems linked to organized crime," said Dr Giles
Ungpakorn, a political scientist at Chulalongkorn
University.
These links may be putting a hold on
the county's judicial system as well. Since December the
war on drug-related homicides have been under
investigation after a request from the revered King
Bhumibol. Yet few, if any, charges have been brought
despite most murder cases being solved relatively
quickly in peaceful countries such as Thailand.
And it's making people wonder. "How seriously
are the investigations being pursued?" asked Sunai. With
plenty of evidence, such half-hearted investigations
reinforce suspicions that some officials are covering
up.
"I myself have investigated many cases in
which the police seem to be connected in one way or
another," said Somchai.
In time, the cases will
likely be reopened by right-minded advocates, or
politicians seeking to score popularity points by
tackling the injustices of previous administrations.
"There are people who are prepared to ask questions. In
the long run that is where hope lies," said Ungpakorn.
But according to Senator Kraisak Choonhaven, who
served as a prominent government adviser during the
1980s, "Many people, including senators like myself,
believe these investigations will be a whitewash."
Kraisak's concerns may not be far from the
truth. Bruised by the commotion along the Malaysian
border, the bird-flu fiasco and postponement of the sale
of some shares in the Electricity Generating Authority
of Thailand after electricity workers hinted that the
lights might go off, the last thing the government needs
is questions over the drug-war deaths returning to the
headlines, even in the now-tamed media.
The
first war on drugs epitomized the government's approach
to many issues: pick a simple target, strike hard and
fast while crowing about it, and then move swiftly on,
keeping the initiative, setting the agenda and appealing
to simple rural folk - the one's who by far wield the
largest number of voting ballots.
That strategy
now lies in tatters, torn by a string of thorny problems
this year. "The conflict in the south and bird flu are a
wake-up call that the standard policy used in the 'wars'
does not work anymore," said a Western diplomat based in
Bangkok.
Policymakers appear to have reached a
similar conclusion. Although Thaksin still gives critics
short shrift, while staunchly standing by the
government's tough stance, government strategies have
been quietly altered.
Drugs are now back on the
agenda, but without the sharp rise in homicides that
accompanied the first. If things continue this way it
could improve the government's outlook in the eyes of
those at home and abroad, many of whom used the drug
crackdown to criticize Thailand's human rights record.
"The government is under a lot of political
pressure - it is looking indecisive. Attacking drug
dealers is a way to restore its position," said Sunai.
But if bullet-riddled bodies start turning up in this
second war, it will put the government back under the
human rights spotlight. Shrugging its shoulders
while blithely pointing the finger at drug syndicates a
second time may draw sharp, sanction-laden rebuke from
Europe and the United States.
Therefore,
time-worn political strategies are back in vogue. Money
is being sent down south to pacify the troubled
provinces. Sensible proposals to keep the bourse in
check - which caused local investors to shy away,
contributing to the recent bear run - have been
scrapped. Thaksin has just redealt the cabinet pack,
charging new hands and some old faces while getting the
good news flowing to burnish the government's dented
image.
Unfortunately, a well-respected Muslim human rights
lawyer, Somchai Neelahphaijit, who is defending
southern terrorism suspects, disappeared mysteriously
a week ago. His family, Muslims and human
rights activists fear the worst. Thaksin, however,
sees no reason to worry.
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