Saudi Arabia: Papering over the cracks


	December 5, 2001	atimes.com

Central Asia/Russia

Saudi Arabia: Papering over the cracks
By Syed Saleem Shahzad

KARACHI - The Afghan war against the Soviets in the 1980s saw the United States nurture the revival of the Islamic institution of jihad after almost 1,000 years.

The struggle in Afghanistan, which saw the Soviets finally withdraw after 10 years, inspired Islamic movements that were involved in battles of their own in other parts of the world. Notably, Muslim monarchs and dictators became the targets of military opposition, and especially in the most holy Muslim place on earth - the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Saudi Arabia has two holy places, the city of Mecca, where the first mosque on earth was built by the Prophet Abraham, and the city of Madina, the final resting place of the Prophet Mohammed. The present monarch, King Fahad Bin Abdul Aziz, in fact, does not like to be called king, preferring the title of Al-Khadimul Haramain Sharifain (Servant of Two Holy Places).

Although the present Saudi ruling family follows the religious and tribal traditions of the Islamic law (shari'a) of the Arabian region, over the years they have had to adapt for both economic and political reasons. And some people believe that these changes have laid the foundation for even bigger changes to come.

Specific tribal values are a part of Arab society. The original Saudi tribes, the Buddwians, still strictly adhere to their values and have distanced themselves from modern education and technology. As a result, when the country's vast oil reserves began to be developed after World War II, Saudi Arabia had no option but to import manpower from other Muslim countries. Workers from Arab countries such as Yemen, Egypt and Palestine were given preference, and in time they were awarded Saudi citizenship.

This was at the time when the powerful Islamic movement, Al-Iqwanul Muslemoon (Muslim Brotherhood) was in full swing in Egypt and Syria. Muslims from Jordan, Yemen and Lebanon in particular had a strong influence on the movement. In Syria and Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood organizations were victimized by state authorities. Being a part of the conservative right-wing world of politics, the Saudi kingdom raised its voice against state suppression by the left-wing rulers of Egypt and Syria against the Islamist forces of Arab world. Many of the dissident Egyptians, Syrians, Yemenis, Lebanese and Palestinians were given refuge in Saudi Arabia, and subsequently awarded Saudi citizenship.

These new citizens were very unlike the Buddwians. They were active, prepared to work hard and they came to dominate Saudi affairs wherever they could.

At the the instigation of the US, Saudi Arabia emerged as a staunch supporter of the jihad in Afghanistan. The Saudi government actively promoted jihadi sentiments among its youth without seeming to appreciate that such Islamic teaching stirred feelings of revolution, especially against hereditary monarchs.

Iraq's Saddam Hussain waging war against Kuwait in 1991 was the first time that cracks began to appear in the iron curtains of the Saudi Kingdom. The country was coerced into allowing US forces to use its territory to curb Saddam's aggressive designs. Saddam's anti-Israel and anti-American rhetoric elevated him to the status of a hero in the eyes of many Muslim youths.

Consequently, Arab rulers supporting the US attacks on Iraq appeared as anti-Islam to these youths. Debate surfaced even in Saudi Arabia over whether or not cooperation with a non-Muslim army was permissible in Islam. Saudi Muslim scholars called it a law of necessity, but the youths refused to accept this.

Osama bin Laden, a Saudi by birth but subsequently stripped of this in 1994 for his criticism of US troops in the country, sent a message to the royal family pleading with them not to allow US troops to remain, saying that he and his comrades would fight against Saddam, but the Saudi rulers did not heed this offer. It is estimated that about 7,000 US troops still remain in Saudi Arabia. In a recent private meeting, former US deputy secretary of state Strobe Talbott is said to have commented that the Soviet-led subordination of culture and identity among the peoples of the old USSR empire radicalized some of the population. Asked whether the US should worry about the same thing - whether rejection of the US was also happening in Saudi Arabia - he responded that troops were stationed abroad as "anchors of stability".

The introduction of US troops into Saudi Arabia for the first time set off public demonstrations in the country. Saudis of Yemeni, Lebanese, Palestinian, Sudanese and Egyptian origin were at the forefront. The Saudi government came down hard on them and many were deported. However, the Saudi government was forced to form a majlis-i-shora (a sort of unelected parliament for consultation) and members were chosen other than from the House of Saud.

The central institution of the Saudi government is the monarchy. The Basic Law adopted in 1992 declared that Saudi Arabia is a monarchy ruled by the sons and grandsons of King Abd Al Aziz Al Saud, and that the Holy Koran is the constitution of the country. There are no political parties or national elections.

The public demonstrations were the first time that Saudi Arabia realized that naturalized foreign nationals were not only not loyal to the monarchy, they posed a direct threat to it. As a result, the decision was taken that citizenship would no longer be granted to foreigners.

Today, all policies are aimed at promoting Saudi Buddwians, but it is too late as many Yemenis, Egyptians and others are fully blended into Saudi society and they remain opposed to royal rule. It is said that a force comprising these elements now operates underground to promote the cause of Islamic revolution in Saudi Arabia. They are said to be diehard supporters of bin Laden. To date, they have not adopted a policy of overt clashes with the royal family, but they are obsessed with clearing Saudi Arabia of Western influences - and troops.

Even bin Laden has not directly uttered a single word against the monarchy, but he has emphasized the desire to rid the region of Western influences. In August 1996, bin Laden issued a declaration of jihad entitled "Message from Osama bin Laden to his Muslim brothers in the whole world and especially in the Arabian peninsula: declaration of jihad against the Americans occupying the land of the two holy mosques; expel the heretics from the Arabian Peninsula." Many elements within the House of Saud are also of this view, so they do not see bin Laden as a threat to the monarchy. Rather, they view him as a hardcore Arab who wants Arab countries to follow their own traditions. One of the main believers of this thought is said to be Crown Prince Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz. King Fahd suffered a stroke in November 1995. Since 1997, the crown prince has taken on much of the day-to-day responsibilities of running the government.

Against this background, Asia Times Online traced a person who is very close to Saudi scholars, some members of the Saudi royal family and who knows Saudi society in depth. He is a prominent Muslim scholar who received his post graduate degree from the Islamic University of Madina. Due to his sensitive position in Saudi society, for the purposes of this interview he goes under the name of Al-Madni. He appears on the surface to be very pro-establishment and loyal to the Saudi monarchy, but many of his answers clearly indicate some the underlying problems in Saudi society.

Asia Times Online: The religion of Islam is the main spirit of Saudi society and Islamic scholars are very well respected. It is a fact that the Koran prohibits non-Muslims from going near the holy cities of Mecca and Madina. Bin Laden made this an issue. Since bin Laden's conviction is based in Koranic teaching, is it not inevitable that Islamic scholars will use this, intentionally or unintentionally, to further his campaign?

Al-Madni: Well, first of all I want to clarify that bin Laden's version is right but out of context. At many points, the prophet did compromise with Jews and Christians and also took their help. On the occasion of the Gulf War, it was inevitable for Saudi rulers to make a fence, with the help of US forces, against Saddam's aggressive designs. This was the argument which was endorsed by all Saudi scholars.

Asia Times Online: Sir, let me correct you. The Mufti-i-Azam (chief cleric) of Saudi Arabia, the late Abdul Aziz Bin Baz, is also said to have given a ruling against the presence of US forces.

Al-Madni: No, it is not true. No-one opposes the US deployment. However, after the war was over, a religious ruling was attributed to Shiek Abdul Aziz Bin Baz saying that as the war was over, US troops should leave the holy places. The ruling created ripples in Saudi society which were heard by many people. Some Saudi scholars made this ruling a point in their own campaigns to have US troops removed from Saudi soil. These scholars included Aaizad Al Qarni, Dr Nasirul Omar and Safar Al Hooli. However, Bin Baz denied that he had issued this ruling. As a result, these dissident scholars were called rebels.

Asia Times Online: Does it not seem that Bin Baz issued his late denial because of pressure from the authorities? And what happened to these three scholars?

Al-Madni: Well, I will not comment. If you want to read too much between the lines it's up to you, otherwise I have explained that Saudi scholars were very much convinced that the Saudi government did the right thing at that point in time. However, I agree that views were divided after the war was over. But nobody caused discipline problems and comments were restricted to whispers among private friends because the spy network of the Saudi intelligence service is very great and they do not tolerate even a minor comment against the Saudi government. As far as the dissident scholars were concerned, they were sent to jail and no-one knows that what happened with them.

Asia Times Online: After these dissident scholars, no other religious scholars have issued any verdict on this topic?

Al-Madni: Again, let me make it clear to you. The Saudi government has a board comprising Islamic scholars. Every issue is sent to them. These scholars evaluate the issues in the light of Islamic teaching and then forward their findings to the government. I believe this is the right way of doing things. The way Islamic scholars issue religious rulings in Pakistan is not right. [Without higher supervision] this will take the country towards anarchy. These religious rulings can only be issued by the state or by Islamic scholars nominated by the state. Now, under this discipline nobody can issue his own brand of ruling, and if he does it would be considered as an anti-state activity.

Asia Times Online: You studied at the Islamic University of Madina. You have a large circle of friends. Do you find that there are sympathizers with bin Laden?

Al-Madni: No-one in Saudi Arabia dare pass comments on these sensitive issues. However, yes, when we meet in private meetings with very old friends, I find a large number of people who, like bin Laden, are against the deployment of US troops in Saudi Arabia.

Asia Times Online: Do you have an idea of how many youths participated in the Afghan war, and do you think that they are potential revolutionaries?

Al-Madni: No, I do not have an idea about the numbers and I have never seen any signs that these youths will come out against the Saudi monarchy. [According to the Saudi-controlled Arab News, about 12,000 Saudis participated in the Afghan war.] Let me tell you, Saudi itself made a mistake. The present minister of defense and the then Amir of Riaz, Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz, announced a special package for those Saudi citizens who wanted to participate in the Afghan war. He announced a 50 percent reduction in air tickets for those willing to go to fight against the USSR. As a result, thousands of youths joined the war. Hundreds of them became permanently associated with the jihad movement, and those who involved themselves in this life still have a revolutionary spirit.

Asia Times Online: Saudi Arabia provided refuge to some very prominent leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood 25 years ago. Most of them were posted in educational institutes. These leaders believed in the revolutionary Islam that speaks against hereditary monarchs. Do you not think that these leaders will have influenced a large number of students?

Al-Madni: Had they dared to do so they would have been put behind the bars.

Asia Times Online: Has there been any attempt at a revolution in Saudi Arabia?

Al-Madni. Yes, there was an attempt in 1979-80, a group led by one Juhiman. He was captured along with all his colleagues and killed.

Asia Times Online: I have learned that there is a very strong underground Shi'ite movement in Saudi Arabia. Do you know about this? (Sunni Muslims make up approximately 12.1 million of the country's nearly 14 million citizens. The Shi'ite Muslim minority (roughly 900,000 persons) lives mostly in the eastern province, where Shi'ites constitute about one-third of the population. According to the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, US Department of State, "Members of the Shi'ite minority are the objects of officially sanctioned political and economic discrimination".)

Al-Madni: Shi'ites live in Saudi Arabia in big numbers. They are in Al-Ehsan, Damam, Al-Hafoof and even in Madina. They have full liberty to render their religious services. I do not know about any underground movement. But they are totally different from the Shi'ites in Iran and they have no links with Iran, although most of them are Iranian by origin.

Asia Times Online: It is a general perception that the royal family is divided. It is even said that many of them are loyal to US interests, while many are against them.

Al-Madni: There is a branch that wants to be the king after Fahad. Prince Abdullah is next in line, but it seems that [the king's brother] Prince Sultan will challenge him. [The leading members of the royal family choose the king from among themselves with the subsequent approval of the ulema - religious leaders.] Both of them are cultivating members among the House of Saud. However, Abdullah has adopted a strategy that projects himself as an Arab nationalist. He has also projected Budvis [native and rural Arabs] and is very much concerned about their well-being. As a result, he is very popular among them. Abdullah has made Qaseem and Najad provinces as their constituencies. Fahad was very liberal and open-minded, but he never placed emphasis on these issues, and neither does Sultan.

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